Polonez Bis 1

Parameters - Bezhta

Construction type	Construction Parameter	Value	Comments

Voice marking	Proper marker	yes	Bezhta antipassive is a marked alternation with antipassive suffixes/infixes -la/ā, -da/ā, -ya/ā added directly to the verbal stem (Comrie & Khalikova 2015: 1).
Voice marking	Lookalike marker	no
Voice marking	Synthetic marker	yes	The antipassive is a marked (coded) alternation: it is formed with the antipassive suffixes/infixes -la/ā, -da/ā, -ya (Comrie et al. 2015: 551).
Voice marking	Analytical marker	no
Flagging	S-argument flagging	no	When the antipassive is formed from transitive verbs the agentive Ergative argument of the source verb is marked with the Absolutive case (...) (Comrie et al. 2015: 553). FYI: A single core argument (S) is left unflagged (KJ).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging	yes	When the antipassive is formed from transitive verbs the Absolutive patient appears in the Instrumental (Comrie et al. 2015: 553). Rarely the demoted P occurs in the interessive case (Comrie et al. 2016: 3, Comrie & Khalilova 2015: 6).
Flagging	P-oblique unflagging	no
Flagging	P-oblique flagging variation	yes	Antipassive (...) demotes patient which may appear as Instrumental or (less frequently) Interessive (Cormie et al. 2016: 3, Comrie & Khalilova 2015: 6).
Indexation	S-argument indexed	yes	In the antipassive, the correspondent of the A is an S and therefore in the absolutive case, and also the trigger for verb agreement (hence the gender I prefix on the verb) (Comrie et al. 2021: 520).
Indexation	S-argument indexation conditioned	yes	FYI: we see from the examples that 3SG has a zero index, whereas 3PL has an index (K.S.).
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P can be referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique is generic (non-specific)	yes	The oblique (demoted) object has a low degree of identifiability in the proposition as it is indefinite AND/OR non-referential (usually PL or omitted) (Comrie et al. 2016: 7). @Generic interpretation: ‘The girl is busy making the bread.’/ ‘The girl works for bread.' (Comrie & Khalilova 2015: 5). FYI: Plural P often implicates a generic interpretation (KJ).
P-individuation properties	Oblique is indefinite (non-specific)	no
P-individuation properties	Oblique can be referential	yes	The demoted P can have semantically a definite, specific referent, but it can also be indefinite and non-specific (Comrie et al. 2021: 526).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is generic (non-specific)	yes	The oblique (demoted) object has a low degree of identifiability in the proposition as it is indefinite and/or non-referential (usually PL or omitted) (Comrie et al. 2016: 7).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific)	yes	The oblique (demoted) object has a low degree of identifiability in the proposition as it is indefinite and/or non-referential (usually PL or omitted) (Comrie et al. 2016: 7). (Comrie et al. 2021: 529, cited in van den Berg 2003) a. öž-di müšö püƛö-yö boy-obl.erg air blow-pst ‘The boy blew air.’ c. öžö pü-wǟ-yö boy blow-antip-pst ‘The boy was boasting.’ FYI: According to van den Berg (2003), the majority of the verbs preserve the P argument (but demote it to an oblique). The remaining verbs delete P, and only a handful of verbs allow for both demotion to oblique and deletion (Comrie et al. 2021: 526).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P can be referential	no	The oblique (demoted) object has a low degree of identifiability in the proposition as it is indefinite AND/OR non-referential (usually PL or omitted) (Comrie et al. 2016: 7). FYI: According to van den Berg (2003), the majority of the verbs preserve the P argument (but demote it to an oblique). The remaining verbs delete P, and only a handful of verbs allow for both demotion to oblique and deletion (Comrie et al. 2021: 526).
Oblique affectedness	Less affected oblique	yes/no	Van den Berg (2003) observes that Bezhta antipassives with singular definite non-collective P arguments express an additional semantic nuance of misachievement. The construction implies that the agent does not seem to be capable of achieving the effect of the activity. (...). In these cases, affectedness of the patient, or rather the lack thereof, seems to play a major role (Comrie et al. 2021: 529-530).
P-constraining properties	Animacy constrains oblique demotion	yes	Oblique P is usually PL and can with some verbs also be in the SG. It predominantly has an inanimate referent (Comrie et al. 2016: 7). Van den Berg (2003) proposes a preference hierarchy for referents occurring as patients demoted to oblique, on which inanimate plural Ps are the most preferred type. The hierarchy lacks singular animate since this kind of P argument cannot be demoted to oblique, perhaps due to the fact that they are often definite and referential (Comrie et al. 2021: 541). plural (inanimate > animate) > inanimate singular
P-constraining properties	Person constrains oblique demotion	no
P-constraining properties	Number constrains oblique demotion	yes	The oblique (demoted) object has a low degree of identifiability in the proposition as it is indefinite and/or non-referential (usually PL or omitted) (Comrie et al. 2016: 7). FYI: Van den Berg (2003) proposes a preference hierarchy for referents occurring as patients demoted to oblique on which inanimate plural Ps are the most preferred type. The hierarchy lacks singular animate since this kind of P argument cannot be demoted to oblique, perhaps due to the fact that they are often definite and referential (Comrie et al. 2021: 541). plural (inanimate > animate) > inanimate singular