| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | Mam always cross-references the original agent on a verb marked by the -n suffix, never the original patient (England 1983: 211).
Mam has an antipassive in -n (§4.3 Voice) (England 2017: 521).
-n 'antipassive' suffix has the syntactic function of deriving an intransitive verb from a transitive stem where the original agent (only) is cross-referenced by the absolutive markers on the verb and the original patient, if it appears, is in an oblique phrase (England 1983: 110).
The antipassive verb is derived morphologically by suffixing -n to the verb stem (England 1988: 531). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | Mam has an antipassive in -n (§4.3Voice) (England 2017: 521).
-n 'antipassive' suffix has the syntactic function of deriving an intransitive verb from a transitive stem where the original agent (only) is cross-referenced by the absolutive markers on the verb and the original patient, if it appears, is in an oblique phrase (England 1983: 110).
The antipassive verb is derived morphologically by suffixing -n to the verb stem (England 1988: 531). |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | Nouns are not marked for case, but transitive subjects are cross-referenced on the verb with Set A markers, while transitive objects and intransitive subjects are marked on the verb with Set B markers (England 2017: 515-516).
In Mayan, nominals themselves are not marked for case but are cross-referenced on the verb (Cooreman 1994: 78).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | The agentive antipassive (@with P adjunct) can express a patient (both indirectly and directly) (England 1983: 214, 221).
The patient appears in an oblique phrase introduced by a (plural) relational noun (England 1988: 532).
The original patient, if it appears (in the antipassive), is in an oblique phrase (England 1983: 110).
Antipassive verbs cross-reference the agent, so that the patient, if expressed, appears in an oblique phrase introduced by either the relational noun -i7j or by -ee. (England 1983: 189).
the verb changes from a two-argument verb to a one-argument verb, and one of the original direct arguments must be expressed obliquely, if at all. It is only with the antipassive that there is an actual change in the type of cross-referencing of the argument on the verb (England 1988: 530). |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | yes | The agentive antipassive (@with P adjunct) can express a patient (both indirectly and directly) (England 1983: 214, 221). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | yes | KJ: Yes, the oblique is overtly flagged through integrative cases.
Heaton (2017: 446): different obl markers differ in volitionality.
There are two relational nouns which can introduce oblique noun phrases expressing the patient. One is -i7j, and the other is -ee (England 1983: 222).
The oblique marker -i’ij implies that the action was purposeful, while the oblique marker -ee indicates that the action was accidental, incomplete, or happened by surprise (Heaton 217: 266).
|
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | The verb in the antipassive cross-references the agent with absolutive markers (England 1983: 211).
The antipassive crossreferences
only the original agent (A) (England 1988: 530). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | Object incorporation (...) requires the use of the antipassive with a limited set of non-specific (generic) objects which accompany certain verbs (England 1983: 218).
FYI: (...) a semantic property of almost all compounds is that a dependent noun does not denote a particular referent but the entire class; (...) a dependent noun in a compound is not referential but generic (Haspelmath & Sims 2010: 191).
|
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | no | Object incorporation (...) requires the use of the antipassive with a limited set of non-specific (generic) objects which accompany certain verbs (England 1983: 218). |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | Based on the analysis of examples in §1.4. The Distribution of Oblique Patient Markers (England 1983: 222-224). See also (England 1983: 242).
FYI: This type of antipassive corresponds to the focus antipassive. See England (1983: 242): Sentence (7-140b) is the antipassive of the a) sentence and has fronted the agent for focus. @Both sentences are translated as 'The woman burned the food' (KJ). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | the antipassive is obligatory when the O is unidentified. The O must be unknown, implied, or non-specific and may not be explicitly referred to in the clause (Cooreman 1994: 52).
The antipassive which indicates a lower degree of identifiability for the O often DELETES this referent as well (sometimes obligatorily as in Mam and Tzutujil) (Cooreman 1994: 56). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |