| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | The antipassive is indicated by the valence marker –i suffixed to the verbal construct (Campbell 2007: 39). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | The antipassive is indicated by the valence marker –i suffixed to the verbal construct (Campbell 2007: 39). |
| Voice marking | Analytic marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | yes/no | 'The absolutive case is used for NPs in S and O function. The absolutive NP is morphologically unmarked in the singular, and in the plural it is marked by the morpheme –na. This plural absolutive marker is the same morpheme as the so-called
plural relator. In certain cases, the plural absolutive is marked by the use of the enclitic third person plural pronoun –lla (short form –l) (for the enclitic pronouns...'
(Campbell 2007: 25) |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | When expressed, the direct object of an antipassive verb occurs in the essive (Campbell 2007: 39). |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | no | FYI: When expressed, the direct object of an antipassive verb occurs in the essive (Campbell 2007: 39). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | In OHu, the third person absolutive subject in both the singular and plural is often, but not always, cross-referenced on the verb by the morpheme –b. While seemingly limited to third person S NPs in the intransitive, it is clear from the antipassive that this –b morpheme is found with all persons and numbers (Campbell 2007: 31).
The S-agreement morpheme –b is not found in MHu. The intransitive verbal form in MHu consists of the verbal construct with the intransitive marker –a plus the optional addition of an enclitic pronoun (Campbell 2007: 33).
The S of the intransitive sentence in MHu is typically indicated by the use of absolute enclitic personal pronouns, regardless of whether or not there is an expressed absolutive NP (Cambell 2007: 34). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | P incorporated: Generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | P incorporated: Indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | P incorporated: Referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | P oblique: Generic (non-specific) | no | (Campbell 2007: 40)
el(i)-a faġr-o-ž(e)-a tān-d-i-b negri-Ø
feast-ESS good-?-?-ESS make-d-ANTIP-S bolt-ABS
eže-ne-ve dāllāni-Ø
earth-SG.RELAT+GEN Allani-ABS
‘Allani, the bolt of the earth, prepared a beautiful feast.’ |
| P-individuation properties | P oblique: Indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | P oblique: Referential | yes | Hurrian (Campbell 2007: 40)
1.
el(i) =a faġr =o =ž(e) =a tān =d =i +b negri-Ø eže =ne =ve āllāni-Ø
feast +ESS good ? ? +ESS make +d +ANTIP +S bolt+ABS earth +SG.RELAT +GEN Allani-ABS
‘Allani, the bolt of the earth, prepared a beautiful feast.’ (KBo 32.13 i 12-13)
(Campbell 2007: 47)
2.
ḫinz =ugar(i) =a =man Šimige tad =i =kki
?- +ESS +CONN Divine Name ove +AP +NEG
'Šimige does not love the ?' (ChS I/1 41 iv 14-16)
FIY - The quotation below shows that what comes after the verb in the antipassive is also referential and definite (the breasts).
Following Allani’s preparations for the feast, we read: “The bakers repeatedly make (antipassive) (their wares) in the correct way, the cupbearers come in (intransitive), the cooks continually bring in (antipassive) the breasts, they repeatedly come (in) (intransitive) with bowls (of food) at mealtime (lit.: in the time of the food)” (Campbell 2007: 43). |
| P-individuation properties | P eliminated: Generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | P eliminated: Indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | P eliminated: Referential | yes | The use of the antipassive here does not appear to indicate a lower degree of “identifiablity” of the O on the part of the hearer. The following sentence is all but identical with the first, with the exception that it is transitive and expresses the O argument. Furthermore, the NP which fills the O spot in (2) [cf. (2) corresponds to (2.26) in Campbell 2007: 42] is not a generic substantive but an actual personal name, which is by nature definite (Campbell 2007: 42).
Hurrian (Campbell 2007: 42)
1.
undo =man šen(a) =iffe =n pašš =[ož =i
now +CONN brother +1SG.POSS +3SG.ENCL send +PRET +AP
'Now my brother has sent, (my brother has sent Mane)' (Mitt. ii 107)
Hurrian (Campbell 2007: 42)
2.
mMa]ne =nna =n š[e]n(a) =i[ffu =]ž pašš =ôž =a
PN +3SG.ENCL +CON brother +1SG.POSS +ERG send +PAST +3SG.ERG
'(Now my brother has sent), my brother has sent him, Mane' (Mitt. ii 107-108) |
| P-oblique affectedness | Less affected P-oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constraints on P-oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constraints on P-oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constraints on P-oblique demotion | no | |