| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | 'in Karajá, [...] antipassive, marked by the prefix ɔ- , results in the deletion of an unknown or irrelevant direct object' (Ribeiro 2012: 54) |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | 'in Karajá, [...] antipassive, marked by the prefix ɔ- , results in the deletion of an unknown or irrelevant direct object' (Ribeiro 2012: 54) |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | 'Nominals functioning as subjects and direct objects are not morphologically marked,'
(Ribeiro 2012: 38) |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | (Ribeiro 2012: 51)
a.
hawɨkɨ ɗa-rikɔrɛ ∅-r-ɪ-ɗ-ə̃kə̃raθi-də̃=r-e
woman 3REFL-offspring 3-CTFG-TRANS-I-ask-VERB=CTFG-IMPERF
‘The woman questioned her son.’
b.
hawɨkɨ ɗa-rikɔrɛ=kɔ ∅-r-∅- ə̃kə̃raʃi=r-e
woman 3REFL-offspring=ALL 3-CTFG-INTR-ask=CTFG-IMPERF
‘The woman asked her son.’
With a few semi-transitive verbs (i.e., those which take non-canonically marked objects, such as an allative or dative argument), such as - ə̃kə̃raʃi ‘to ask’, transitivization results in the promotion of the former oblique argument to direct object (examples from the Xambioá dialect). (Macro-Jê; Ribeiro 2012: 51)
|
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | yes | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | 'Person agreement displays a strictly nominative pattern, with the verb always agreeing with the subject, be it intransitive (46a) or transitive (46b).' (Ribeiro 2012: 46)
3rd person is not indexed on the verb
Table 1.12. Subject agreement markers in Karajá (Ribeiro 2012: 47):
Person Realis Irrealis
1st a- ♀ ka-/♂ a-
2nd ɗa- bə- /b-
3rd 0- 0- ; kə- /♂ ə-
|
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | yes | 3 pers A/P is not flagged (KS).
Table 1.12. Subject agreement markers in Karajá (Ribeiro 2012: 47):
Person Realis Irrealis
1st a- ♀ ka-/♂ a-
2nd ɗa- bə- /b-
3rd 0- 0- ; kə- /♂ ə-
|
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | (Ribeiro 2012: 57, 2001: 230)
a.
d-ãdɪ wa-ritʃɔrɛ radɛ Ø-r-ɪ-kərɔ=r-ɛrɪ
REL-mother 1-offspring hair 3-CTFG-TRANS-cut=CTFG-PROGR
‘My mother is cutting my child’s hair.’
b.
d-ãdɪ Ø-r-ɔ-radɛ-kərɔ=r-ɛrɪ
REL-mother 3-CTFG-ANTI-hair-cut=CTFG-PROGR
‘My mother is cutting (someone’s) hair.’
[lit., ‘My mother is hair-cutting (someone).’]
|
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | (Ribeiro 2012: 51)
a.
hawɨkɨ ɗa-rikɔrɛ ∅-r-ɪ-ɗ-ə̃kə̃raθi-də̃=r-e
woman 3REFL-offspring 3-CTFG-TRANS-I-ask-VERB=CTFG-IMPERF
‘The woman questioned her son.’
b.
hawɨkɨ ɗa-rikɔrɛ=kɔ ∅-r-∅- ə̃kə̃raʃi=r-e
woman 3REFL-offspring=ALL 3-CTFG-INTR-ask=CTFG-IMPERF
‘The woman asked her son.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | 'in Karajá, [...] antipassive, marked by the prefix ɔ- , results in the deletion of an unknown or irrelevant direct object' (Ribeiro 2012: 54)
Antipassives in Karajá are used to suppress an irrelevant, unknown, or undetermined object. Common examples involve typical activities such as ‘to clear (a garden)’ (Ribeiro 2012: 196). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | yes | 'in Karajá, [...] antipassive, marked by the prefix ɔ- , results in the deletion of an unknown or irrelevant direct object' (Ribeiro 2012: 54)
Antipassives in Karajá are used to suppress an irrelevant, unknown, or undetermined object. Common examples involve typical activities such as ‘to clear (a garden)’ (Ribeiro 2012: 196). |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |