| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | Objectless sentence:
In such a case, (@ The effect of the use of a transitive verbal complement to -ini ‘do' (BD) (BD=bound form) the undergoer is, in a manner of speaking, removed from the event (Huber 2011: 341).
FYI: BD stands for the bound form: In Makalero, a sizeable group of verbs exhibit special bound forms if they are part of a complement-verb complex (Huber 2011: 131) (KJ).
FYI: The morpheme -ini, a form of the verb kini ‘do, make’ is used productively express a causative notion as well as object demotion; however, this construction is not analysed as a derivational process, but is an instance of a complement-verb complex (Huber 2011: 128) (KJ). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | Object-less sentences with -ini ‘do (BD)’
In such a case, (@ The effect of the use of a transitive verbal complement to -ini ‘do' (BD) (BD=bound form) the undergoer is, in a manner of speaking, removed from the event (Huber 2011: 341).
FYI: BD stands for the bound form. In Makalero, a sizeable group of verbs exhibit special bound forms if they are part of a complement-verb complex (Huber 2011: 131) (KJ).
FYI: The morpheme -ini, a form of the verb kini ‘do, make’ is used productively express a causative notion as well as object demotion; however, this construction is not analysed as a derivational process, but is an instance of a complement-verb complex (Huber 2011: 128) (KJ).
FYI: In Nivacle, the -xan suffix meaning 'do' is similar to Makalero (KJ).
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| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | n/a | Katarzyna:
|
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | n/a | P oblique
FYI: the undergoers to these verbs stand within a verbal complement with isi-, the reduced form of the general locative verb isi’ (Huber 2011: 147). |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | no | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | Conatives with locative isi-complements:
This conative construction corresponds neatly to Goldberg’s (1995: 4) conative argument structure construction, which she paraphrases as “X directs action at Y” (Huber 2011: 343) (KJ). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | The resulting whole does not refer to an event with a specific undergoer but only to the action itself in a general way (Huber 2011: 341).
Sentence (96), which comes from a text describing the traditional division of labour between Makalero men and women, illustrates this very nicely. Neither of the complement-verb complexes used in this sentence refers to a specific event; rather they denote the activities as such (Huber 2011: 341).
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| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | The sentences in (a-b) illustrate the contrast between the reference to a specific event and that to an activity in general using a complement construction with -ini: in (a) nua ‘eat’ and tina ‘cook’ are used as main verbs, respectively. Note that in either case, they stand with undergoer objects. In (b) where the same verbs are used as complements to -ini ‘do (BD)’, on the other hand, the activity itself is referred to; an undergoer is neither expressed nor implied (Huber 2011: 341) (KJ).
(Huber 2011: 341-342)
a)
… fi-asu [sa’a ho’o]OBJ tina fi nua
1pi-for thing some cook 1pi eat
‘… cook something for us (so that) we eat!’
b)
Ani ni-nami k-asu [tina]COMPL-ini.
1s REFL-husband 3:UND-for cook-do:BD
‘I’m cooking for my husband.’
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| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | Object-less sentences with -ini ‘do (BD)’: Neither of the complement-verb complexes used in this sentence refers to a specific event; rather they denote the activities as such (Huber 2011: 341). |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | yes | P oblique:
Conatives with locative isi-complements (Oblipatient construction):
In a relatively rare construction type, an undergoer to a transitive verb is moved from the more usual object slot into a complement verb phrase with the general locative verb isi’. This construction has been found to convey a conative notion (Huber 2011: 342) (KJ).
This conative construction corresponds neatly to Goldberg’s (1995: 4) conative argument structure construction, which she paraphrases as “X directs action at Y” (Huber 2011: 343) (KJ). |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |