| Voice marking | Proper marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | yes | P suppression:
(Sharpe 1972: 104)
a)
lilmi-ři yaŋ ka-ya-kan-na da yaŋan.
man-ERG hit he-with-did-it CNJ snake
‘The man hit the snake over and over.’
b)
lilmi yaŋ-ŋuwal.
man.ABS hit-ACT
‘The man is always hitting
The active suffix occurs on verb roots indicating actions, both transitive and intransitive, describing an item or being carrying out this action (often habitually). The suffix does not appear to occur on verbs of motion, by which is meant verbs indicating change of location from one place to another (Sharpe 1972: 69) (KJ).
|
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | n/a | |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | The alternation in question takes a transitive vs. intransitive auxiliary stem. A situation silimar to Basque and Cavineña (KJ).
|
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | Nominative case (unmarked) is used for subject (S) of equational or intransitive clauses and for an object or dative object of transitive clauses (covered by the referent tagmemes R and R); it is also often used for location-goal in motion batteries (Sharpe 1972: 62).
The nominative case form is regarded as uninflected, i.e. as not having any case suffix (Sharpe 1972: 62). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | FYI: The P argument has ERG/INS flagging, which Sharpe (1972) calls Operative case (KS).
FYI: Operative case is used for subject of transitive clauses, and for instrument or location (tagmeme I) causally involved in an action (Sharpe 1972: 62) (KJ).
Purposive action verb roots occur in one kernel only, an intransitive clause with animate subject (agent), and the goal of the action in genitive case. Though the object has been listed as optional in the case constellation above, it is possibly obligatory semantically (Sharpe 1972: 105).
These alternations are semantically parallel to those between ERG-ABS 'see, look at, or, find', 'watch', 'catch', etc. and ANTI ABS-DAT or ABS-GEN 'look for', 'watch for', 'feel for', etc. in Warrungu, e.g. (18) to (21), Alawa (Sharpe 1972:102-03) (Tsunoda 1988: 627-628) (KJ). |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | no | Purposive action verb roots occur in one kernel only, an intransitive clause with the animate subject (agent), and the goal of the action in genitive case. Though the object has been listed as optional in the case constellation above, it is possibly obligatory semantically (Sharpe 1972: 105).
These alternations are semantically parallel to those between ERG-ABS 'see, look at, or, find', 'watch', 'catch', etc. and ANTI (...) ABS-GEN 'look for', 'watch for', 'feel for', etc. (...) in Alawa (Sharpe 1972:102-03) (Tsunoda 1988: 627-628) (KJ). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | 'The pronominal prefix with the MR auxiliaries, or with the DR auxiliaries affixed for only one participant, agrees with the subject (S) of the clause in person and number.'
Table 24 — Pronominal prefixes for MR auxiliaries singular plural dual
12 na- nul-
1 ija- ijul- ijur-
2 yi- wul- wuf-
3m na- yil- yir-
3f ar-
(Sharpe 1972: 79)
FYI: Pronominal affixes are affixed to the auxiliary stem to form the auxiliary verb. The pronominal affix or affixes indicate person-number agreement with one or two participants in the action. Certain auxiliary stems, the direferential (DR, and including the dative direferential DDR), have potential for affixation for agreement with two participants in the action. Other auxiliary stems, the mono-referential (MR. and including the dative nionoreferential DMR), have potential tor affixation for only one participant in the action (Sharpe 1972: 79) (KJ).
|
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | yes | FYI: S is indexed in P-adjunct construction. S is not indexed in P suppression construction (3rd SG.M) with the active (voicealike) suffix. Otherwise, it is. See Sharpe (1972: 60) (K.S.).
P adjunct:
(Sharpe 1972: 103)
a)
lilmi-ři kuñ kan-na da kiřibu.
man-ERG watch he-did-it CNJ kangaroo
‘The man was watching the kangaroo.’
b)
lilmi kuñ kada kiřibu-yi.
man.ABS watch he.did kangaroo-GEN
‘The man was watching for kangaroos.’
P suppression:
(Sharpe 1972: 104; glosses adjusted by K. Stroński)
a)
lilmi-ři yaŋ ka-ya-kan-na da yaŋan.
man-ERG hit he-with-did-it CNJ snake
‘The man hit the snake over and over.’
b)
lilmi yaŋ-ŋuwal.
man.ABS hit-ACT
‘The man is always hitting (=he is a hitter (K.S.)).’
|
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | yes | (Sharpe 1972: 103)
a.
lilmi-ři taw a-ŋatan-na da aka.
man-ERG feel he-did-it CNJ fish
‘The man caught some fish.’
b.
lilmi taw a-ŋataña aka-yi
man.ABS feel he-was doing fish-for
‘The man was feeling for fish.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | (Sharpe 1972: 103)
lilmi-ři kuñ kan-na da kiřibu.
man-ERG watch he.did-it CNJ kangaroo
‘The man was watching the kangaroo.’
lilmi kuñ kada kiřibu-yi.
man.ABS watch he.did kangaroo-for
‘The man was watching for kangaroos.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | The active suffix -nuwal occurs on verb roots indicating actions, both transitive and intransitive, describing an item or being carrying out this action (often habitually) (Sharpe 1972: 69). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | yes | The transitive action state battery includes verb roots, which may occur with an object as referent or (with the same auxiliary stem) with an object as purpose, when the action has not attained its goal (Sharpe 1972: 103).
(Tsunoda 1988: 629)
a) John shot Bill.
b) John shot at Bill.
This alternation resembles the alternations we noted for the ANTIPs in Warrungu, Alawa and Kalkatungu (Tsunoda 1988: 629) (KJ).
FYI: The Alawa LAP construction below indicates the lower affectedness of P and that “the action has not attained its goal” (Sharpe 1972: 103). (...). Sharpe (1972: 103) indicates that the Alawa LAP construction can also have a partitive meaning and that this partitive meaning is more common when P is omitted from the clause (Vigus 2018: 380).
(Sharpe 1972: 103)
a.
lilmi-ři taw a-ŋatan-na da aka.
man-ERG feel he-did-it CNJ fish
‘The man caught some fish.’
b.
lilmi taw a-ŋataña aka-yi
man.ABS feel he-was doing fish-for
‘The man was feeling for fish.’
|
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |