| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | The reflexive/reciprocal suffix -rr typically adds a reflexive or reciprocal meaning while reducing the valency of the verb by one (Evans 2003: 438).
The various methods by which valency changes are overtly signaled on the verb. Two applicative prefixes (benefactive and comitative) each add an object, while the reflexive / reciprocal suffixes decrease the verb's valency by one (while specifying that SBJ and OBJ are coreferential) (Evans 2003: 426).
FYI: Based on Evans (2003: 441), the reflexive/reciprocal suffix -rr may also have the absolute antipassive. See footnote 20 (KJ).
Footnote 20:
Of course, the situational context determines whether the predicate is self-converse or not. Both ‘kiss’ and ‘fuck’ can be used non-reciprocally precisely when the action is not being actively reciprocated or is not so portrayed, exactly as in the difference between English ‘she kissed him’ and ‘they kissed’ (Evans 2003: 441). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | The reflexive/reciprocal suffix -rr typically adds a reflexive or reciprocal meaning while reducing the valency of the verb by one (Evans 2003: 438).
FYI: Based on Evans (2003: 441), the reflexive/reciprocal suffix -rr may also have the absolute antipassive. See footnote 20 (KJ).
Footnote 20:
Of course, the situational context determines whether the predicate is self-converse or not. Both ‘kiss’ and ‘fuck’ can be used non-reciprocally precisely when the action is not being actively reciprocated or is not so portrayed, exactly as in the difference between English ‘she kissed him’ and ‘they kissed’ (Evans 2003: 441). |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | An unmarked noun or adjective may be subject, object, indirect object or various adjunct roles such as location or goal (Evans 2003: 133). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | Monovalent verbs: The base type are intransitive verbs. These have a single pronominal prefix representing the subject (Evans 2003: 393).
Intransitive pronominal prefixes:
nga- [1SG]
yi- [2SG]
gabarri- [3PL] ((g/ka)bVrri-)
g/ka- [3SG]
(Evans 2003: 353-354, 393; 2002: 24).
Example (Evans 2003: 393):
Gabarri-lobme.
3a-run.NP
'They are running.'
Evans (2003: 401)
PERSON MINIMAL
1st exclusive: (ng)a-;
1st inclusive: (ng)arr-;
2nd: yi-, ngi- (non-minimal);
3non-past: ga-/ka-
past: ba-/0
See Table 10.2, 3 in Evans (2003: 401).
See also Evans (2003: 400):
3rd: 0 (minimal), ba (M), bi-/be- (non-minimal).
|
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | yes | Monovalent verbs: The base type are intransitive verbs. These have a single pronominal prefix representing the subject (Evans 2003: 393).
Intransitive pronominal prefixes:
nga- [1SG]
yi- [2SG]
gabarri- [3PL] ((g/ka)bVrri-)
g/ka- [3SG]
(Evans 2003: 353-354, 393; 2002: 24).
Example (Evans 2003: 393):
Gabarri-lobme.
3a-run.NP
'They are running.'
Evans (2003: 401)
PERSON MINIMAL
1st exclusive: (ng)a-;
1st inclusive: (ng)arr-;
2nd: yi-;
3non-past: ga-/ka-;
past: ba-/0;
See Table 10.2, 3 in Evans (2003: 401) for non-minimal forms.
|
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | FYI: This below refers to the incorporation in which the object indexation remains the same as in the corresponding transitive clause (KJ).
Languages such as Chukchi, Ainu, Tanoan languages, and Bininj
Gun-wok have noun incorporation of different statuses, according to Mithun (1984), and exploit productive and referentially active noun incorporation and parallel analytic constructions (‘excorporation’) for syntacto-pragmatic purposes, for example, signaling information value status (thetic vs. categorical statements) (Mattissen 2017: 25). |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | (Evans 2003: 441)
Kabene-bunjhme-rr-en.
3UA-kiss-RR-NP
‘They are kissing.’
Kabene-dedjdo-rr-en.
3UA-fuck-RR-NP
‘They fuck.’
Of course, the situational context determines whether the predicate is self-converse or not. Both ‘kiss’ and ‘fuck’ can be used non-reciprocally precisely when the action is not being actively reciprocated or is not so portrayed, exactly as in the difference between English ‘she kissed him’ and ‘they kissed’ (Evans 2003: 441).
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | Based on the fact that the P indexation is lost in the derived construction, we conclude no (KJ).
FYI:
(Evans 2003: 441)
Kabene-bunjhme-rr-en.
3UA-kiss-RR-NP
‘They are kissing.’
Kabene-dedjdo-rr-en.
3UA-fuck-RR-NP
‘They fuck.’
Of course, the situational context determines whether the predicate is self-converse or not. Both ‘kiss’ and ‘fuck’ can be used non-reciprocally precisely when the action is not being actively reciprocated or is not so portrayed, exactly as in the difference between English ‘she kissed him’ and ‘they kissed’ (Evans 2003: 441).
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |