| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | P suppression -ye:
’Valency reduction is signaled by the (@reciprocal-based) morpheme -ye in form-order class [8], in combination with one of the intransitive NP-indexing prefixes [...]. A few verbs do not accept -ye, but rather display lexically-specific middle-voice allomorphs ending in /ee/ or /e/[...] (Clendon 2014: 300). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | yes | There are two affixes [VCOMP], terrestrial and cellestial:
a) celestial class-marking morpheme 'kuN' and its allomorphs 'kwuN-' and 'ØN-'.
b) terrestrial VCOMP marking on verb classifiers 'ma' (Clendon 2014: 82). |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | P suppression -ye:
’Valency reduction is signaled by the (@reciprocal-based) morpheme -ye in form-order class [8], in combination with one of the intransitive NP-indexing prefixes [...]. A few verbs do not accept -ye, but rather display lexically-specific middle-voice allomorphs ending in /ee/ or /e/[...] (Clendon 2014: 300). |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | yes | The language contains a complex predicate 'eat (V1) + hit (V2)' that alternates with another complex predicate 'eat (V1) + be (V2)'. We consider 'hit' vs. 'be' as analitical voice markers unless further analysis states the opposite (KJ).
FYI: 'The complex predicate 'buju kuN[ ]=bwu' [finish VCOMP-3p=hit-PAST] and predicates like it, with the preverb coded on the classifier in undergoer prefix position, is probably more accurately described as an agentive or S=A ambitransitive predicate (Dixon & Aikhenvald 2000). Nevertheless, the alternation between transitive
and intransitive uses of such labile predicates in Worrorra involves the demotion or deletion of an object. '
|
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | no | FYI: object (DAT) verbal agreement marking (Clendon 2014: 314).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | yes | (Clendon 2014: 297)
minjarl-minjarl arr=nu-na kumbiyanu
eat-eat 1PL.EXCL=be-PAST yam.sp
‘We used to eat the yams called kumbiyanu.’
(Clendon 2014: 340)
kulnmerrba reey-reey nyiN=nu-na-nangka mana
tail pluck-pluck 3F=be-PAST-DAT 3(TERRESTRIAL)DEF
‘She stripped all the fur off his tail.’ |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | 3 sg is not indexed and 3 pl is indexed (KS).
Table 5.2: Series-1 NP indices
S [2/3] U [2] A [3] DAT [11]
1 nga- nga-n- nga- -kwara
2 ngun- ngun- -nja- -nu
3a ka- ka- -Ø- -nangka
3f nyiN- nyiN- -Ø- -nangka
3w kuN- kuN- -Ø- -nangka
3m ma- ma- -Ø- -nangka
1pin ngarr- ngarr- ngarr- -ngarri
1px arr- a-n- -nyarr- -nyarri
2p nyirr- nyi-n- -rra- -noorri
3p kaarr- kaa-(n)- -bwarr- -nangkorri
(Clendon 2014: 110)
|
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | Worrorra (Worrorran; Clendon 2014: 297)
minjarl-minjarl arr=nu-na kumbiyanu
eat-eat 1PL.EXCL=be-PAST yam.sp
‘We used to eat the yams called kumbiyanu.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | yes | When P remains absolutive, then it receives non-referential interpretation (KJ):
(Clendon 2014: 331)
mangarri minjarl-minjarl kaarr=nu-na
veg.food eat-eat 3PL=be-PAST
‘They used to eat vegetable food.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | When P remains absolutive, then it receives non-referential interpretation (KJ):
(Clendon 2014: 297)
minjarl-minjarl arr=nu-na kumbiyanu
eat-eat 3pl.excl=be-pst yam.sp
‘We used to eat the yams called kumbiyanu.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | The DAT morpheme -nangka in this construction indexes the object wara ‘kangaroo.’ The reason for an alternation between the predicates buju =bwu and buju kuN[ ]=bwu+DAT is treated in §11.5.2 below, and is in all likelihood pragmatic, having to do with foregrounding an object (buju kuN[ ]=bwu+DAT) versus backgrounding an object (buju =bwu) (Clendon 2014: 293).
(Clendon 2014: 305)
a.
nguru ka-nyarr=kwangurru-eerri
hear 3m-1pl.excl=carry-prog
‘We’re listening to him.’
b.
nguru kuN-nyarr-nya=kwangurr(u)-nangka-eerri
hear vcomp-1pl.excl-ep=carry-dat-prog
‘We’re listening to him.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P adjunct omission:
(Clendon 2014: 300)
a.
nyangka murn kaarr-n-Ø=bwu-na
3fnar gaze 3pl-inv-3=hit-pst
‘She was looking out for them.’
b.
mamangkunu murn ma-bwarr=bwu-na
morning gaze vcomp-3pl=hit-pst
‘In the morning they looked all around.’ |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | yes | P suppression:
‘In the absence of any token specific to the effected actor (ie, of some kind of reciprocal anaphor) these constructions are patientless antipassives, in that the objects from their active equivalents are unstated (@=unspecified) but understood' (Clendon 2014: 411)
P suppression:
(Clendon 2014: 411)
kol kaarr=ningaa-ye-na-eerri minjarl kaarr=nu-na-eerri
distribute 3pl=do-mid-past-prog eat 3pl=be-past-prog
‘They shared it all out and ate it.’
P adjunct omission:
(Clendon 2014: 292)
kaarr=marrkawee-na-eerri kaarr=bwee-na-eerri ke buju kuN-bwarr=bwu-na
3pl=fight.w.weapons-past-prog 3pl=hit.mid-past-prog and finish vcomp-3p=hit-past
‘They were fighting each other with spears and shields, and then they stopped.’
|
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | Both animate and inanimate nouns occur as a P adjunct (K.S.)
(Clendon 2014: 333)
buju kuN-bwarr=bwu-na-nangka wara
finish VCOMP-3PL=hit-PAST-DAT kangaroo
‘They killed all the kangaroos.’
(Clendon 2014: 340)
reey kuN-Ø=yi-ng-a-nangka-eerri i=bwajam
pluck VCOMP-3=do-PAST-EP-DAT-PROG 3M=feather
‘He pulled out all his feathers.’
|
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |