| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | Stem-forming suffix -ji- is also used to intransitivise verbs in passive and antipassive
constructions in Kuku Yalanji. (...) As a general intransitivising suffix in passive and antipassive -ji- is
glossed as ITR (Patz 2002: 105).
In an antipassive construction, as in passive, the transitive verb is intransitivised by stem forming
suffix -ji- (Patz 2002: 152).
There are two processes in Kuku Yalanji by which intransitive verb stems can be derived from transitive bases. One is a reciprocal derivation with -wa-y (...) and the other is intransitive verb stem formation with -ji-, which is used in the three functions of reflexive, passive and antipassive (Patz 2002: 145). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | In an antipassive construction, as in passive, the transitive verb is intransitivised by stemforming
suffix -ji- (Patz 2002: 152).
There are two processes in Kuku Yalanji by which intransitive verb stems can be derived from transitive bases. One is a reciprocal derivation with -wa-y (...) and the other is intransitive verb stem formation with -ji-, which is used in the three functions of reflexive, passive and antipassive (Patz 2002: 145). |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | Nominal constituents of an NP in S function take absolutive case marking, which is zero, and pronominal constituents are in nominative case (Patz 2002: 127).
FYI: Kuku Yalanji has free pronoun forms which are used in reference to animate beings, particularly humans. Personal pronouns distinguish three numbers - singular, dual and plural - as well as inclusive and exclusive for first person non-singular (Patz 2002: 72).
Table 3.6: Personal pronoun paradigm (Patz 2002: 72).
Absolutive case inflection is always zero; that is, the citation form of a nominal coincides with its form in intransitive subject and transitive object function (Patz 2002: 46).
The underlying agent (A) appears in S function, taking absolutive or nominative case marking for a noun or pronoun respectively (Patz 2002: 152).
Nominal constituents of a NP in A function take ergative case (-angka) marking and pronominal constituents are in nominative case as for S function (Patz 2002: 128).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | The underlying transitive object (0bj) takes a locative case in surface structure or even, where appropriate, a perlative case (Patz 2002: 152).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | yes | The underlying transitive
object (0) takes locative case in surface structure or even, where appropriate, perlative case (Patz 2002: 152).
FYI: An NP in locative case (...) has a variety of functions which may be divided broadly into four categories: 'goal' (in a different sense than conveyed by dative), 'intermediary ', 'locality', and the purely syntactic function of case marker for the underlying A or 0bj NP in a passive or antipassive construction (Patz 2002: 134). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | no | We have no examples of a P demotion construction in which the S argument is encoded in the verb in terms of the PL number (KJ).
FYI: The plural subject marker -ri-: This suffix is used on intransitive roots or stems of either conjugation to indicate verb agreement with a plural intransitive subject. A -ri-stem cannot, however, indicate by itself
plurality of the subject; that is, the subject must be marked for plural by reduplication or a plural pronoun. (...). The use of -ri- for plural agreement is optional; it appears to be a redundant form (Patz 2002: 105). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | FTY: The semantic content of an antipassive construction cannot be captured in one formula (Patz 2002: 152).
FYI: A basic condition for the surface transitive sentence: (4) the described action must be discrete and performed on a specific object. (...). If transitive sentence condition (4) is not met an antipassive construction is used (Patz 2002: 145).
Reduplicated verb:
The antipassive in Kuku Yalanji is used productively for what may be called a 'generalized action' (...).This means that the described action is not discrete and is performed on some general or 'non-individuated' object, which may or may not be stated in the surface structure. To indicate 'generalized action' on a 'non-individuated' object, the antipassive construction contains a reduplicated verb form (Patz 2002: 152-153). @The author refers to Hopper & Thompson (1980: 253), where non-individuated P means non-referential (KJ).
Reduplicated verb:
Passive and antipassive with a reduplicated verb form indicate a lower degree of transitivity, i.e., unintentional action, the action performed by an unknown or irrelevant or lower animate agent, and generalized action (Patz 2002: 155).
(Patz 2002: 153, 214)
a.
Waybala-ngka, jana bama wubul kuni-l-kuni-ny.
white.man-ERG:POT 3PL.NOM Aborigine.ABS many.ABS kill-l-RDP-PST
‘White men, they killed many Aborigines.’
b.
Yinya karrkay kaya-nda kuni-n-kuni-ji-y.
that.ABS(S) child. ABS(S) dog-LOC:pt hit-n-RDP-INTR-NPST
‘That little one is hitting all the dogs (around here).’
(Patz 2002: 153)
a.
lalbu-ngku wukay nubi-l.
woman-ERG:pt(A) yam.ABS(OBJ) search.for-NPST
‘The woman is searching for yam.’
b.
lalbu wukay-rnba nubi-nubi-ji-y.
woman.ABS(S) yam-LOC search.for-RDP-INTR-NPST
‘The woman is looking around for yam.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | If a simple (i.e. not reduplicated) verb form is used in an antipassive (...), this expresses the semantic aspect of 'total effect on the patient' (Patz 2002: 153).
(Patz 2002: 154)
Ngamu mayi-nga wambi-ji-ny.
mother.ABS(S) food-LOC share.out-INTR-PST
‘Mother shared out all the food.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P omission vs. P adjunct omission (verb-coded)
(Patz 2002: 153)
a.
Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ny.
Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-PST
‘The Aborigine went and threw a curse.’
b.
Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ji-ny.
Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-INTR-PST
‘The Aborigine went and threw curses everywhere.’
In (a), P omission, the man did only onece. In (b), the generalized action is performed on 'non-indnviduated' object. (KJ). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | P adjunct omission vs. P omission
(Patz 2002: 153)
a.
Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ny.
Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-PST
‘The Aborigine went and threw a curse.’
b.
Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ji-ny.
Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-INTR-PST
‘The Aborigine went and threw curses everywhere.’
P omission:
(Patz 2002: 144)
a.
Nyulu bulnga-ny.
3sg.NOM shake-PST
‘He/she shook.’ OR ‘He/she shook something.’
b.
Maral bulnga-ny.
girl.ABS shake-PST
The girl shook.’ OR ‘The girl was being shaken.’
|
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | yes/no | FTY: The semantic content of an antipassive construction cannot be captured in one formula (Patz 2002: 152). @ Generalized action antipassive vs total effect antipassive (KJ).
""Partitive"" interpretation may apply to the aspect of ""generalized action"" as expressed by the reduplicated (antipassive) verb forms (...). Antipassive with a simple verb form expresses rather the opposite, namely 'total effect' (Patz 2002: 155). |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |