Polonez Bis 1

Parameters - Kuku Yalanji (Yimidhirr-Yalanji-Yidinic)

Construction type	Construction Parameter	Value	Comments

Voice marking	Proper marker	yes	Stem-forming suffix -ji- is also used to intransitivise verbs in passive and antipassive constructions in Kuku Yalanji. (...) As a general intransitivising suffix in passive and antipassive -ji- is glossed as ITR (Patz 2002: 105). In an antipassive construction, as in passive, the transitive verb is intransitivised by stem forming suffix -ji- (Patz 2002: 152). There are two processes in Kuku Yalanji by which intransitive verb stems can be derived from transitive bases. One is a reciprocal derivation with -wa-y (...) and the other is intransitive verb stem formation with -ji-, which is used in the three functions of reflexive, passive and antipassive (Patz 2002: 145).
Voice marking	Lookalike marker	no
Voice marking	Synthetic marker	yes	In an antipassive construction, as in passive, the transitive verb is intransitivised by stemforming suffix -ji- (Patz 2002: 152). There are two processes in Kuku Yalanji by which intransitive verb stems can be derived from transitive bases. One is a reciprocal derivation with -wa-y (...) and the other is intransitive verb stem formation with -ji-, which is used in the three functions of reflexive, passive and antipassive (Patz 2002: 145).
Voice marking	Analytic marker	no
Flagging	S-argument flagging	no	Nominal constituents of an NP in S function take absolutive case marking, which is zero, and pronominal constituents are in nominative case (Patz 2002: 127). FYI: Kuku Yalanji has free pronoun forms which are used in reference to animate beings, particularly humans. Personal pronouns distinguish three numbers - singular, dual and plural - as well as inclusive and exclusive for first person non-singular (Patz 2002: 72). Table 3.6: Personal pronoun paradigm (Patz 2002: 72). Absolutive case inflection is always zero; that is, the citation form of a nominal coincides with its form in intransitive subject and transitive object function (Patz 2002: 46). The underlying agent (A) appears in S function, taking absolutive or nominative case marking for a noun or pronoun respectively (Patz 2002: 152). Nominal constituents of a NP in A function take ergative case (-angka) marking and pronominal constituents are in nominative case as for S function (Patz 2002: 128).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging	yes	The underlying transitive object (0bj) takes a locative case in surface structure or even, where appropriate, a perlative case (Patz 2002: 152).
Flagging	P-oblique unflagging	no
Flagging	P-oblique flagging variation	yes	The underlying transitive object (0) takes locative case in surface structure or even, where appropriate, perlative case (Patz 2002: 152). FYI: An NP in locative case (...) has a variety of functions which may be divided broadly into four categories: 'goal' (in a different sense than conveyed by dative), 'intermediary ', 'locality', and the purely syntactic function of case marker for the underlying A or 0bj NP in a passive or antipassive construction (Patz 2002: 134).
Indexation	S-argument indexed	no	We have no examples of a P demotion construction in which the S argument is encoded in the verb in terms of the PL number (KJ). FYI: The plural subject marker -ri-: This suffix is used on intransitive roots or stems of either conjugation to indicate verb agreement with a plural intransitive subject. A -ri-stem cannot, however, indicate by itself plurality of the subject; that is, the subject must be marked for plural by reduplication or a plural pronoun. (...). The use of -ri- for plural agreement is optional; it appears to be a redundant form (Patz 2002: 105).
Indexation	S-argument indexation conditioned	n/a
P-individuation properties	P incorporated: Generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	P incorporated: Indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	P incorporated: Referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	P oblique: Generic (non-specific)	no
P-individuation properties	P oblique: Indefinite (non-specific)	yes	FTY: The semantic content of an antipassive construction cannot be captured in one formula (Patz 2002: 152). FYI: A basic condition for the surface transitive sentence: (4) the described action must be discrete and performed on a specific object. (...). If transitive sentence condition (4) is not met an antipassive construction is used (Patz 2002: 145). Reduplicated verb: The antipassive in Kuku Yalanji is used productively for what may be called a 'generalized action' (...).This means that the described action is not discrete and is performed on some general or 'non-individuated' object, which may or may not be stated in the surface structure. To indicate 'generalized action' on a 'non-individuated' object, the antipassive construction contains a reduplicated verb form (Patz 2002: 152-153). @The author refers to Hopper and Thompson (1980: 253), where non-individuated P means non-referential. Reduplicated verb: Passive and antipassive with a reduplicated verb form indicate a lower degree of transitivity, i.e., unintentional action, the action performed by an unknown or irrelevant or lower animate agent, and generalized action (Patz 2002: 155). Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 153, 214) 1a. Waybala-ngka, jana bama wubul kuni-l-kuni-ny. white.man-ERG:POT 3PL.NOM Aborigine.ABS many.ABS kill-l-RDP-PST ‘White men, they killed many Aborigines.’ 1b. Yinya karrkay kaya-nda kuni-n-kuni-ji-y. that.ABS(S) child.ABS(S) dog-LOC:pt hit-n-RDP-INTR-NPST ‘That little one is hitting all the dogs (around here).’ Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 153) 2a. lalbu-ngku wukay nubi-l. woman-ERG:pt(A) yam.ABS(OBJ) search.for-NPST ‘The woman is searching for yam.’ 2b. lalbu wukay-rnba nubi-nubi-ji-y. woman.ABS(S) yam-LOC search.for-RDP-INTR-NPST ‘The woman is looking around for yam.’
P-individuation properties	P oblique: Referential	yes	If a simple (i.e. not reduplicated) verb form is used in an antipassive (...), this expresses the semantic aspect of 'total effect on the patient' (Patz 2002: 153). Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 154) 1. Ngamu mayi-nga wambi-ji-ny. mother.ABS(S) food-LOC share.out-INTR-PST ‘Mother shared out all the food.’
P-individuation properties	P eliminated: Generic (non-specific)	no
P-individuation properties	P eliminated: Indefinite (non-specific)	yes	Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 153) 1a. Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ny. Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-PST ‘The Aborigine went and threw a curse.’ 1b. Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ji-ny. Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-INTR-PST ‘The Aborigine went and threw curses everywhere.’ FYI: In (1a), P omission, the man did it only once. In (1b), the generalized action is performed on 'non-indnviduated' object.
P-individuation properties	P eliminated: Referential	no	Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 153) 1a. Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ny. Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-PST ‘The Aborigine went and threw a curse.’ 1b. Barna dunga-ny bunjurri-ji-ny. Aborigine.ABS(S) go-PST throw.spit/curse-INTR-PST ‘The Aborigine went and threw curses everywhere.’ Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 144) 2. Nyulu bulnga-ny. 3sg.NOM shake-PST ‘He/she shook.’ OR ‘He/she shook something.’ Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 144) 3. Maral bulnga-ny. girl.ABS shake-PST The girl shook.’ OR ‘The girl was being shaken.’
P-oblique affectedness	Less affected P-oblique	yes/no	FTY: The semantic content of an antipassive construction cannot be captured in one formula (Patz 2002: 152). Partitive interpretation may apply to the aspect of generalized action as expressed by the reduplicated (antipassive) verb forms (...). Antipassive with a simple verb form expresses rather the opposite, namely 'total effect (Patz 2002: 155).
P-constraining properties	Animacy constraints on P-oblique demotion	no
P-constraining properties	Person constraints on P-oblique demotion	no
P-constraining properties	Number constraints on P-oblique demotion	no