Polonez Bis 1

Parameters - Mocoví

Construction type	Construction Parameter	Value	Comments

Voice marking	Proper marker	yes	-(a)taɢan marker: We will propose that Mocoví has two antipassive markers (suffixes -(a)ɢan and -(a)taɢan), which present some interesting differences (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 239). - aɢan marker: 'the antipassive function of -aɢan' (Juárez and Gonzalez 2021: 326). - aɢan marker: '-aɢan applies to the transitive root and creates an antipassive clause which does not accept the former transitive P argument (@i.e. definite argument)' (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 328). -(a)ɢan marker: The antipassivization implies a valency reducing operation, which is noted in (13b) considering the following two pieces of evidence: a) The number of arguments has been moved from two to one, because the P argument of the transitive clause has been deleted in the antipassive. b) The verbal index has changed from i- (13a) to ɾ- (13b), which indicates that the subject has shifted from the A argument to the S argument (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 240). -(a)ɢan marker: ‘The detransitivization process involves P deletion accompanied by a change in the subject bound person form from transitive to intransitive subject indexing, which resembles antipassives in ergative indexation languages' (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 326).
Voice marking	Lookalike marker	no
Voice marking	Synthetic marker	yes	-(a)taɢan marker: We will propose that Mocoví has two antipassive markers (suffixes -(a)ɢan and -(a)taɢan), which present some interesting differences (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 239). - aɢan marker: 'the antipassive function of -aɢan' (Juárez and Gonzalez 2021: 326). - aɢan marker: '-aɢan applies to the transitive root and creates an antipassive clause which does not accept the former transitive P argument (@i.e. definite argument)' (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 328). -(a)ɢan marker: ‘The detransitivization process involves P deletion accompanied by a change in the subject bound person form from transitive to intransitive subject indexing, which resembles antipassives in ergative indexation languages' (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 326).
Voice marking	Analytical marker	no
Flagging	S-argument flagging	no	Mocoví lacks case marking of core arguments expressed by nominal phrases or independent pronouns. Thus, the language follows a neutral alignment in this overt encoding property (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 233).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging	yes	'There are other instances of antipassives in which the P nominal expression is accepted but its coding differs from P nominals in typical transitive clauses [...] ’ (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 326). 'Mocovi lacks prepositions, but it has an oblique marker ke- which introduces an oblique noun phrases' (Grondona 1998: 127). Semantic participants adding information about place and direction are also indexed in the verb by locative and directional markers, respectively. Additionally, the nominal expression of locatives is marked by ke-, which identifies oblique arguments (Juárez 2023: 72).
Flagging	P-oblique unflagging	yes	(Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 326) a. transitive so yale i-tʃaɢ-tak so qopaɢ DET man 3.II-cut-PROG DET firewood ‘The man is cutting the firewood.’ b. Antipassive with overt P demoted argument (bare noun) so yale ɾ-tʃaɢ-aɢan qopaɢ (ke-ǰi l-aɁa) DET man 3INTR.II-cut-ANTIP firewood OBL-DET 3POSS.I-home ‘The man goes to cut firewood (for his house).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging variation	no
Indexation	S-argument indexed	yes	'single argument predicate (S), [...], obligatorily indexes that argument in the verb by a bound person form, e.g. ɾ-' (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 320). 'The general pattern then is that only one core argument is indexed by a bound person form in the verb, mainly the S and A arguments, i.e. the subject [...]' (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 321). Only the subject argument is indexed in the verb, and the object can be expressed by an independent pronoun or a nominal element. When object arguments correspond to speech act participants, their expression is obligatory (Juárez 2023: 68). Two-place and one-place predicates are similar in that only one morphosyntactic participant, the subject, is indexed in the verb (Juárez 2023: 69).
Indexation	S-argument indexation conditioned	no
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P can be referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique is generic (non-specific)	yes	Semantically, the absence of the nominal classifier in the encoding of the P argument exemplified in (14c) and (14b) is associated with the low definiteness of this argument, showing that the antipassive correlates here with a low degree of P individuation. The meaning of P is then NON-SPECIFIC or generic. Indeed, the nouns referring to P in the antipassive constructions in (14b,c) are used as mass nouns and therefore denote an uncountable entity (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 241).
P-individuation properties	Oblique is indefinite (non-specific)	yes	Semantically, the absence of the nominal classifier in the encoding of the P argument exemplified in (14c) and (14b) is associated with the low definiteness of this argument, showing that the antipassive correlates here with a low degree of P individuation. The meaning of P is then NON-SPECIFIC or generic. Indeed, the nouns referring to P in the antipassive constructions in (14b,c) are used as mass nouns and therefore denote an uncountable entity (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 241). 14b. Antipassive (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 241) so yale ɾe-čaq-soɢon leña ke-ȷ̌i la-Ɂa clf home 3-cut-antip firewood obl-clf 3poss-home ‘The man cut firewood for his house.’ 14c. Antipassive (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 241) so-maɢaɾe-pi ɾ-owaɢan-aɢan n-qopaɢ clf-3-pl 3-hit-antip indf_poss-stick ‘They cut firewood.’
P-individuation properties	Oblique can be referential	yes	Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 243) a. so-maɢaɾe yim i-waɢan CLF-3 1SG 3-hit ‘He hit me.’ b. qomiɾ ɾ-owaɢan-aɢan-iɡi-lo 1PL 3-hit-ANTIP-LOC-PL.P ‘(He) hit us.’ / ‘(He) hit at us.’ The function of the low affectedness of P associated with the presence of the locative suffix -iɡi could also be supported by the fact that some instances of the Mocoví antipassive construction seem to present an individuated P argument. Indeed, Mocoví allows the antipassivization process with highly topical P arguments such as first and second persons, presumably the highest on the scale of individuation (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 242).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is generic (non-specific)	yes	-ɢan or -taɢan markers: Instead, the detransitivized structure is functionally equivalent to a noun, in that it refers to an entity characterized by performing the action denoted by the verb. In this use, predicates modified by -ɢan or -taɢan refer to certain jobs or professions that individualize the subject argument referent (Juárez 2023: 180). -ataɢan marker -ataɢan is combined in (21c) with the progressive marker -tak, conveying the meaning of an activity in progress at the moment of speech. The contrast between (21c) and (21d), in which the progressive marker is absent, shows that the antipassive marker -ataɢan implies the meaning of a habitual activity that is interpreted here as a habit, as a job (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 248). 12c. Antipassive ayim s-ataɾen-ataɢan-tak 1sg 1-cure-antip-prog ‘I am curing.’ 12d. Antipassive ayim s-ataɾen-ataɢan 1sg 1-cure-antip ‘I am a doctor.’ (Lit: ‘I cure.’) (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 247). The antipassive construction focuses on the action developed by the subject rather than on its effect on a supposed P. The subject agentivity is then conceived without its causing effect, and the event is described as non-punctual, associated with a HABITUAL meaning. Note that the aspectual shift involved in the antipassive construction is accompanied by the absence of the progressive marker -tak present in (a) (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 248). Furthermore, antipassives commonly denote habits or customs, functions that have also been attested for antipassive in other languages as well' (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 326).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific)	yes	(Juárez 2023: 175) a-na-ɢ liːbrosp a-na i-meːn ɾ-weɡ-ɢan f-det4-? book f-det4 3.II-sell 3.II.intr-bring/beat-vm:intr ‘...and he sells the book and earns (something)...’
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P can be referential	no
Oblique affectedness	Less affected oblique	yes	-aɢan marker: Mocoví antipassive clauses do not involve action completion and entail low patient affectedness (Juárez & Gonzalez 2021: 326). -aɢan marker: The function of the low affectedness of P associated with the presence of the locative suffix -iɡi could also be supported by the fact that some instances of the Mocoví antipassive construction seem to present an individuated P argument (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 242). -aɢan marker: the low individuation of P given by its plurality and the low affectedness of P encoded by the locative suffix -iɡi combined with the antipassive marker (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 243).
P-constraining properties	Animacy constrains oblique demotion	no
P-constraining properties	Person constrains oblique demotion	no	It is rather number (individuation status) of P that determines P demotion. (Juárez & Gonzalez 2017: 243) a. so-maɢaɾe yim i-waɢan clf-3 1sg 3-hit ‘He hit me.’ b. qomiɾ ɾ-owaɢan-aɢan-iɡi-lo 1pl 3-hit-antip-loc-pl.p ‘(He) hit us.’ / ‘(He) hit at us.’
P-constraining properties	Number constrains oblique demotion	yes	Mocoví is a language that allows the antipassivization process with highly topical P arguments such as first and second persons, presumably the highest on the scale of individuation. However, it appears that low individuation is still present since these P arguments have to be plural in antipassives (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 242). As pointed out in cross-linguistic studies on antipassives, the antipassive marking can also frequently appear with plural P arguments, another way for expressing a less identifiable argument (Cooreman 1994; Polinsky 2005, among others). This possibility also exists in Mocoví (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 241). Mocoví is a language that allows the antipassivization process with highly topical P arguments such as first and second persons, presumably the highest on the scale of individuation. However, it appears that low individuation is still present since these P arguments have to be plural in antipassives (Juárez & Álvarez González 2017: 242).