| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | Maa (...) has an antipassive construction marked by the verb suffix -ɪshɔ(r). This suffix turns an otherwise transitive construction into an intransitive one that can no longer express the P (Payne D. 2021: 447).
The verb suffix -ɪshɔ(r) can be added to nearly any (di)transitive root or derived (di)transitive stem that has a causative, dative applicative, or instrumental applicative affix. The resulting construction has reduced valence compared to the stem without -ɪshɔ(r) (Payne D. 2021: 452).
|
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | Maa (...) has an antipassive construction marked by the verb suffix -ɪshɔ(r). This suffix turns an otherwise transitive construction into an intransitive one that can no longer express the P (Payne D. 2021: 447).
|
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | yes | Tonally marked case inflection:
Case is indicated by contrasting tone melodies. In postverbal position, both transitive (A) and intransitive (S) subject forms of any given noun carry the same tone melody, while the object form of that noun has a different melody, which is the same as its citation melody (Payne D. 2021: 449).
(T)here are two case marking patterns in Maasai, both signalled solely by tone. The first is traditionally referred to as 'nominative' and the second as 'accusative' (Tucker and Mpaayei, 1955) (Payne D. et al. 1994: 286-287).
Nominative case occurs for NPS and free pronouns that cross-reference both transitive and intransitive subjects. It also occurs on oblique phrases following the preposition tε (Payne D. et al. 1994: 286-287). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | Finite verbs have a hierarchical (or inverse-like) system of participant indexation. The same prefixes mark subject (S/A) on intransitive verbs and on transitive verbs when the A participant is higher than the P on the hierarchy 1SG/1PL>2>3 (Payne D. 2021: 449).
A unique portmanteau prefix marks 1SG>2SG, and an ‘Inverse’ form marks a lower-ranked A acting on a higher-ranked P (Payne D. 2021: 449).
|
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | Maa -ɪshɔ(r) examples frequently have such semantic characteristics. In a survey of about 100 Maa texts, there were 51 instances of -ɪshɔ(r), nearly all of which expressed customary or habitual action, inclination, or the job-like nature of an activity relative to some participant (Payne D. 2021: 459).
Semantically the -ɪshɔ(r) construction focuses on the action of the verb or profiles long-term characteristics or ability of the agent (Payne D. 2021: 447).
(Payne D. 2021: 459)
M-ɛ-bárn-ꜜɪ́shɔ́ ɔl=á-bárn-óní kɛwaríé.
neg-3-shave-antip msg=nmlz-shave-nmlz:agent night
‘A barber does not shave at night.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | (Payne D. 2021: 460)
N-e-duŋ-isho ɔl=ayioni tɛ n=tim.
CN1-3-cut-ANTIP MSG=boy.NOM OBL F=forest.NOM
‘The boy is/was cutting in the forest.’
In sum, imperfective semantics are a frequent concomitant of the -ɪshɔ(r) construction,
but in some instances a non-existent or unspecified P appears to be the more relevant factor for triggering the construction (Payne D. 2021: 460). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | Clauses with -ɪshɔ(r) lack the implication of a clearly identifiable endpoint (Payne D. 2021: 454). |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | n/a | Though semantic or functional
factors such as imperfectivity, partial affectedness of P, and topicality of A do not require -ɪshɔ(r), the general factors that correlate with its use put it squarely within the cross-linguistic family of antipassive constructions.(Payne D. 2021: 474). |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |