| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | The/a-/ prefix also functions as a valence reducer without necessarily producing a reciprocal meaning (Ahland 2012: 194).
|
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | yes | PLACE:
Another function of certain INC/CLF morphemes is that of reducing the valence of a verb. The bound incorporated noun /-(a)go(a)/ ‘place’ functions as a valence reducer for certain transitive verb roots (Ahland 2012: 189) (KJ).
PLACE:
However, for synchronic noun incorporation to exist, there must exist a corresponding free noun. But this particular morpheme does not exist as a free noun and is semantically bleached as a valence reducer in certain instances (Ahland 2012: 189) (KJ).
PLACE:
The semantics of ‘place’ does not seem to add to the meaning of the verb stem as there is no particular reference to a place (Ahland 2012: 190) (KJ).
FYI: Certain body part terms have grammaticalized as a variety of other morphosyntactic categories, in particular as relator nouns, verbal classifiers, and class morphemes, the final two of which are noun categorization devices. Many of these same body part terms can be incorporated into the verb or form part of lexicalized verb-noun compounds (Ahland 2012: v) (KJ). |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | The/a-/ prefix also functions as a valence reducer without necessarily producing a reciprocal meaning (Ahland 2012: 195).
|
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | 'Core arguments in Gumuz remain unmarked for case unless the A/S argument follows the verb, in which situation the A/S is marked with a nominative case marker /á-/ and the P remains unmarked.' (Ahland 2012: 354)
FYI: Canonical order of NP: the NP in Gumuz tends to be left-headed (Ahland 2012: 138) (KJ). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | Both person and number are marked on the verb in Gumuz. This is mainly for S and A but can also include O in North Gumuz. All bound pronominals vary in tone according to the valence of the verb stem (..) and indicate person as well as number (Ahland 2012: 211).
Again, in Gumuz, transitivity is marked via tone on the bound subject pronominal of the verb (Ahland 2012: 341).
In Gumuz, bound pronominals on verbs vary slightly in form according to tense (future vs. nonfuture) and transitivity (A versus S arguments). In the nonfuture tense, they are prefixes; in the future tense, they are suffixes (Ahland 2012: 123). (KJ).
See Tables 4.6-4.8 (Ahland 2012: 124-126). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | '[...] verbal (predicate) classifiers arise from incorporation of generic nouns, usually body parts [...]. The body part nouns ‘head’, ‘eye’, ‘tooth’, ‘ear’, and ‘belly’, [...], are often incorporated into Gumuz verbs to form new verbal compounds' (Ahland 2012: 266-267). |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | (Ahland 2012: 190)
a.
d-ókó-wíɗ ɓaga
AFF-1PL.INCL.TR-see person
‘We saw someone.’
b.
d-á-wír-é-gw ká=nɗea
AFF-3SG.INTR-see-TWRD-PLACE DAT=ground
‘He looked toward the ground.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | P adjunct omission (voice lookalike PLACE):
(Ahland 2012: 341-342)
a.
b-íí-sá-gá ŋga
aff-3pl.tr-eat-nfut food
‘They ate food.’
b.
áχámá d-á-sá-gw mar
3sg aff-3sg.intr-eat-PLACE ideoːmuch
‘S/he ate a lot.’ (Northern Gumuz; Gumuz; Ahland 2012: 340)
FYI: ‘When a conjugated verb is marked as transitive (whether the lexical root itself is a labile or transitive root), it is unacceptable to utter the clause without an overt P argument [...] or without some context producing a “definite null instantiation”. If an Incorporated noun/Classifier (IN/CL) is part of the verb stem and is coreferential with a P argument, the P argument need not be overtly expressed ' (Ahland 2012: 341).
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P suppression /a-/ (voice marker):
(Ahland 2012: 195)
a.
dua mokw
child carry.on.back
‘Carry a child on your back’
b.
a-mokw
REC-carry.on.back
‘Carry a child on your back’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | FYI: ‘When a conjugated verb is marked as transitive (whether the lexical root itself is a labile or transitive root), it is unacceptable to utter the clause without an overt P argument [...] or without some context producing a “definite null instantiation”. If an Incorporated noun/Classifier (IN/CL) is part of the verb stem and is coreferential with a P argument, the P argument need not be overtly expressed ' (Ahland 2012: 341). |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |