| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | The suffixes -d’(e)-, -de-:
Two suffixes that detransitivize verbs by elimination of the direct object slot from the valence pattern, -d’(e)- and -de- (Maslova 2003: 225) (FYI: the third suffix -že mentioned by the author was ignored due to the lack of the relevant examples).
The suffix -(n)d’i-:
Being applied to a transitive verb, this suffix involves, in addition, detransitivization (by elimination of the direct object); for instance, the intransitive verb ege-nd’i- ‘look in vari¬ ous directions’ (Maslova 2003: 197).
|
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | Two suffixes that detransitivize verbs by elimination of the direct object slot from the valence pattern, -d’(e)-, and -de- (Maslova 2003: 225) (FYI: the third suffix mentioned by the author was ignored due to the lack of the relevant examples).
The iterative suffix -(n)d’i- is associated with various dispersive meanings. (...) Being applied to a transitive verb, this suffix involves, in addition, detransitivization (by elimination of the direct object) (Maslova 2003: 197). |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | yes/no | The single core participant of a finite intransitive clause (S) can either take the Nominative form or be marked as the grammatical Focus of the clause. The latter option involves the Predicative marking of the NP (Maslova 2003: 327-328).
@Differential subject marking. Similar in Soninke (KJ).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | FYI: P adjunct takes DAT or LOC case when demoted to a peripheral status (MT). |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | yes | FYI: P adjunct takes DAT or LOC case when demoted to a peripheral status (MT). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | The following properties are shared by the primary participants of transitive and intransitive clauses 'The primary participant (A/S) controls the agreement markers on the finite forms (Maslova 2003: 339). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | (Maslova 2003: 122, 403)
a.
mit-kele qamie-ƞi-te-m legul-e legul-n’e-yide
we-acc help-3pl-fut-tr food-instr [food-prpr-ss:cond]
‘They will help us with food, if they have some.’
b.
omo-s’ tet qamie-d’e-l met-in
good-intr:3sg [you help-detr-anr I-dat]
‘It is good that you have helped me.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | In most cases, the semantic impact of these suffixes is to construe the situation as having no specific patient participant (Maslova 2003: 225).
(Maslova 2003: 225-226)
a.
juø-k aduon tet-ek ayčī-ƞile
look-imp:2sg | it you-pred search-3pl:of
‘Look, they are looking for you!’
b.
tāt numø-ge šøk-telle aysī-d’-ā-je
[so house-loc enter-ss:pfv] search-detr-ingr-intr:1sg
| nilgi el+l’uø-je
nobody neg+see-intr:1sg
‘So I entered the house and began to search, (but) I saw nobody.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |