| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | The reflexive marker -sk-/-ysk- (Geniušienė 1987: 305).
The valency changing affix: Udmurt has two very productive suffixes: (a) -(i)ski- (also -ski-) for forming reflexives, and (b) -ti- for
causatives (Winkler 2001: 55). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | The reflexive marker -sk-/-ysk- (Geniušienė 1987: 305).
The valency changing affix: Udmurt has two very productive suffixes: (a) -(i)ski- (also -ski-) for forming reflexives, and (b) -ti- for
causatives (Winkler 2001: 55).
|
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | Zero morphemes: A category is expressed by the form of the word itself (i. e. without a separate suffix), e.g.: the nominative in general, the accusative of the indefinite object, the dative of the personal pronouns (Winkler 2001: 13).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | P adjunct in the locative case:
(Geniušienė 1987: 319)
a.
Ni̮l-Ø gu-Ø kop-a
girl-NOM pit-ABS dig-PRS.3SG
‘The girl is digging a hole.’
b.
Ni̮l-Ø gu -in kopa-sk -e
girl-NOM pit-LOC dig-RM-PRS.3SG
‘The girl is digging in the hole.’
|
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | The only example with P demoted to oblique contains a morpheme -in glossed by Geniusiene (1987) as LOC. In Winter (20201: 25), the same morpheme is glossed as inessive: 'Constituents appearing in the inessive (mostly adjuncts) have three functions, e.g.: a) expressing the location (e.g. in the village, in the field).'
FYI: Based on what follows, we could expect the variation in P coding as oblique. In the intransitive clause, the verb does not take any arguments except for the subject, or it takes oblique object arguments. To these belong arguments in the DAT, ABL, and INSTR. See Winkler (2001: 64). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | Verb forms can be classified as finite and infinite. A finite verb form is marked for the categories tense/mood, and person and number in agreement with the subject (Winkler 2001: 44).
The finite verb shows agreement with the grammatical subject and not with the object (Udmurt has no objective conjugation) (Winkler 2001: 64). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | Udmurt (Uralic; Geniušienė 1987: 319)
a.
Ni̮l-Ø gu-Ø kop-a
girl-nom pit-abs dig-prs.3sg
‘The girl is digging a hole.’
b.
Ni̮l-Ø gu -in kopa-sk -e
girl-nom pit-loc dig-rm-prs.3sg
‘The girl is digging in the hole.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | P suppression:
In Udmurt, where they are quite numerous, 'absolute' RVs (@patientless antipassive) fall into two semantic subsets: (a) reflexive verbs meaning 'be engaged in the activity' and (b) reflexive verbs with the modal meaning of potential inclination (Geniušienė 1987: 315).
P suppression:
FYI: Potential deobjectives express a disposition of an agent to perform an action. Potential deobjectives therefore occur only in irrealis or generic sentences, never in specific realis sentences (Haspelmath & Müller-Bardey 2004: 3).
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P suppression (deobjective):
- be engaged in the activity
(Geniušienė 1987: 315)
a) ur-yny ‘weed’
b) ur-isk-yny ‘be busy weeding’
a. vur- ‘to sew sth.’
b. vur-iśk- ‘to sew [sth.]’
a. pyž- ‘to bake sth.’
b. pyž-iśk- ‘to bake [sth.]’
a. gožja- ‘to write sth.’
b. gožja-śk- ‘to write [sth.]’
P omission (deobjective):
(Winkler 2001: 20, 59)
a.
mon kńiga li̮dǯ́-i
I book(-acc) read-prs.1sg
‘I read a book.’
b.
di̮rti̮-tek li̮dǯ́-e
to.hurry-ger read-prs.3sg
‘He/she is reading without hurry.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | Udmurt (Uralic, Russia; Geniušienė 1987: 315)
a.
ur-yny
‘weed’
b.
ur-isk-yny
‘be busy weeding’
- be engaged in the activity |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | n/a | We suspect that the animacy does play a role in the language. The phenomenon is comparable to what we observe in the Slavic languages, in which this phenomenon is highly lexically restricted and limited to a few verbs involving inanimate P (KJ). |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |