Polonez Bis 1

Parameters - Georgian

Construction type	Construction Parameter	Value	Comments

Voice marking	Proper marker	yes	i- prefix: There are a few verbs of active semantics (@deponent verbs) which also show the vowel i- in the pre-radical slot in the Future Sub-Series of the TAM Series I and the TAM Series II, as well as in the Present Sub-Series of the TAM Series I. (...) However, it is not clear why the vowel is referred to as passive. Even less clear is what label would be appropriate for the vowel i- in those verbs (Amiridze 2006: 174).
Voice marking	Lookalike marker	no
Voice marking	Synthetic marker	yes	i- prefix: There are a few verbs of active semantics (@deponent verbs) which also show the vowel i- in the pre-radical slot in the Future Sub-Series of the TAM Series I and the TAM Series II, as well as in the Present Sub-Series of the TAM Series I. (...) However, it is not clear why the vowel is referred to as passive. Even less clear is what label would be appropriate for the vowel i- in those verbs (Amiridze 2006: 174).
Voice marking	Analytical marker	no
Flagging	S-argument flagging	yes/no	Nom can be flagged -i. See Hewitt (1995: ch 3). NOM can be flagged and unflagged depending on whether a noun ends with a vowel or consonant. See Hewitt (1985: ch.3).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging	n/a	Abkhaz-Abaza lacks argument-nominal marking and relies exclusively on pronominal head-marking (Arkadiev and Lander 2021: 393). In the Northwest Caucasian languages the original state may be preserved in Abkhaz, where S, P, A and lO are not differentiated in the noun (which appears as a pure stem) but only in the verbal affixes (where S/P differ from the rest) (Boeder 1979: 461).
Flagging	P-oblique unflagging	n/a
Flagging	P-oblique flagging variation	n/a
Indexation	S-argument indexed	yes	Deponents are monovalent, and S is always indexed (except 2SG). See examples from Amirdze (2006) and also indexing strategies in Harris (1981: 29). 2SG is unmarked. The number also plays a role. See (Harris 1981: 29): SG PL 1. person v- v-t 2. person "" -t 3. person -s/a/o -en/es/nen, etc.
Indexation	S-argument indexation conditioned	yes	Deponents are monovalent, and S is always indexed (except 2SG). See examples from Amirdze (2006) and also indexing strategies in Harris (1981: 29). 2SG is unmarked. The number also plays a role. See (Harris 1981: 29): SG PL 1. person v- v-t 2. person "" -t 3. person -s/a/o -en/es/nen, etc.
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P can be referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique is generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique can be referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is generic (non-specific)	yes	Semantically, deponents, in contrast to actives, express repeated, habitual actions, sometimes implying that they are characteristic of the subject (Tuite 2003: 6). FYI: Whereas ordinary deobjectives express a real action without mentioning the patient, potential deobjectives express a disposition of an agent to perform an action. Potential deobjectives therefore occur only in irrealis or generic sentences, never in specific realis sentences (Haspelmath & Müller-Bardey 2004: 3). Also bearing a remarkable similarity to Georgian deponents, especially those of Types II and III, are Russian passive-reflexive verbs, marked by the suffix –sja, used with what Vinogradov (1972: 635) calls ‘active-objectless meaning’ (Tuite 2006: 12).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific)	no
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P can be referential	yes	Many deponents, those of Types II and III in particular, signal a shift of focus from the end-point to the contours of action denoted by the verb (esp. its appearance, impression made on observers). Whereas the medioactive verb coxni- s “chews” is normally said of ruminant animals, with a direct object describing the grass, cud, etc. being masticated, its deponent counterpart i-coxn-eb-a is intransitive, and tends to be employed when the speaker wishes to emphasize the leisurely, repetitive nature of the chewing (when speaking of an animal), or to express a negative impression of a person making similar mouth movements (e.g. a child chewing gum). A sizeable proportion of deponents have a distinctly expressive nature, a feature they share with certain types of medioactive verbs (Holisky 1981), but one that is commonly deployed to point out or sanction someone’s unseemly, puzzling, irritating or socially inappropriate behavior. For this reason, deponents are not infrequently uttered in the 2nd person, either with the negative-imperative particle nu “don’t”(Tuite 2003: 7-8).
Oblique affectedness	Less affected oblique	n/a	FYI: The loss of indexation when P is omitted leads to the unspecified reading of P. In other words, the unexpressed P argument is interpreted as unspecified. The loss of indexation does not trigger the referential interpretation (KJ). 1) Abkhaz (O’Herin 2020: 481) a. Jɨ-s-pa-wajt’. 3NH.SG.ABS-1SG.ERG-knit-PRS.IND.DYN ‘I am knitting it. b. s-pa-wajt’ 1SG.ABS-knit-PRS.IND.DYN ‘I am (busy with) knitting.’ 2) Abkhaz (Cirikba 2013: 50) a. jə-s-pa-wá-:jt' ‘I am sewing it’ b. s-ʒax-wá-jt' ‘I am (busy with) sewing’ The intransitive variant describes the process itself, while the transitive variant focuses on the object (O’Herin 2020: 480) (KJ). In the first of each pair, the action is seen as a process in itself, without attention to its impact on an object; in the second we have forms which indicate an action directed at a concrete object (Chirikba 2013: 50) (KJ).
P-constraining properties	Animacy constrains oblique demotion	n/a
P-constraining properties	Person constrains oblique demotion	n/a
P-constraining properties	Number constrains oblique demotion	n/a