| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | In Kalamang, reciprocal constructions are made with a verbal proclitic nau=. In these constructions, the valency of the verb is typically reduced by one such that there is only a subject argument (Visser 2022: 269).
The reciprocal proclitic is also used for asymmetrical actions, i.e. actions that one group or individual do(es) to another, but not vice versa (Visser 2022: 270).
' |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | The reciprocal proclitic is also used for asymmetrical actions, i.e. actions that one group or individual do(es) to another, but not vice versa (Visser 2022: 270).
In Kalamang, reciprocal constructions are made with a verbal proclitic nau=. In these constructions, the valency of the verb is typically reduced by one such that there is only a subject argument (Visser 2022: 269).
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| Voice marking | Analytical marker | yes | @The language has a complex predicate (Visser 2022: 48). The complex predicates may drop the P argument with the indefinite nonreferential interpretation. See ex. 4 on page 256 in Visser (2022). We need to return to this point (KJ).
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| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | Postpositions (Visser 2022: 175):
∅ subject (S, A)
=at object (O)
Kalamang has SV and APV constituent order with nominative-accusative alignment. Only the object is overtly marked (Visser 2022: 46).
Intransitive clauses have a single unmarked subject argument preceding the verb (Visser 2022: 285).
Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses remain unmarked (Visser 2022: 174). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | n/a | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | no | Subject and object are not cross-referenced on the verb (Visser 2022: 46).
FYI: Verbs are not inflected for person or number, except for plural imperative and a distributive suffix (Visser 2022: 45).
FYI: There is no agreement marking on the verb. (...) Except for verbs in the imperative mood, which distinguish between singular and plural subjects (Visser 2022: 130).
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| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | Some incorporations are more abstract expressions. Ter-na ‘tea-consume’, for example,
does not necessarily mean ‘drinking tea’, but can also mean ‘having breakfast’ (Visser 2022: 263). |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | no | This is not a question of referentiality (singling out a new referent using a non-incorporated noun), as on several occasions in the corpus, the first mention of a referent is already incorporated (Viser 2022: 263). |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | yes | It is a common but optional parallel strategy to having a full (case-marked, stress-carrying) object NP (Visser 2022: 261).
This is not a question of referentiality (singling out a new referent using a non-incorporated noun), as on several occasions in the corpus, the first mention of a referent is already incorporated (Viser 2022: 263).
The only factor that was
found to play a role in the choice between incorporation or no incorporation is repetition in the same or adjacent turns. Whenever a speaker repeats themselves or the words of another speaker, there seems to be a heightened chance of repeating the previously used construction (Viser 2022: 263).
See Visser (2022: 262). Ex. (16): We got and drank the water.'
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| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | A-ambitransitivity:
(Visser 2022: 253)
a.
mu muap
3pl eat
‘They ate.’
b.
pi tok muap=nin
1pl.incl yet eat=neg
‘We didn’t eat yet.’
- Intransitive muap ‘eat’: nonreferential, indefinite object (KJ).
P suppression:
(Visser 2022: 271)
mu bir namabuk=teba nau=tu
3pl beer drunk=prog recp=hit
‘They’re drunk on beer, fighting.
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| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | yes | P suppression:
(Visser 2022: 271)
Ka tamandi=a kiem=et, ka tamangga=ta, in
2sg how=foc flee=irr 2sg where.lat=nfin 1pl.excl
se nau=komahal=te
iam recp=not_know=nfin
‘How could you flee, where? We had never encountered [that part of the forest] before.’
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| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | n/a | |