Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | The pronoun zikh can also participate in valency-changing operations (Luchina 2023: 19). |
Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | The pronoun zikh can also participate in valency-changing operations (Luchina 2023: 19). |
Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
Flagging | S-argument flagging | yes | In Yiddish, the verb agrees with its subject, case marking distinguishes S/A (nominative case) and P (accusative case) (Luchina 2023: 5).
FYI: The only nouns that have case suffixes are proper names and a short list of animate nouns. For other nouns, the case is expressed in the form of definite articles (Luchina 2023: 5).
FYI: Yiddish nouns are typically unmarked for case. Instead, case marking is indicated by the accompanying definite article or demonstrative (and attributive
adjectives) (Kahn 2016: 672). |
Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | FYI: Flagging is expressed through adposition, for instance, using the preposition mit 'with'. See Luchina (2023: 20).
|
Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | In Yiddish, the verb agrees with its subject (Luchina 2023: 5).
|
Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P adjunct:
(Luchina 2023: 20)
a.
ven du varf-st im zakh-n vet er
when 2sg throw-prs.2sg 3sg.m.dat thing-pl.acc aux.prs.3sg 3sg.m
zey tsurik-breng-en
3pl back-bring-fut
‘(And) when you throw him things, he would bring them back.’
b.
Er, nosn shloyme, varf-t zikh mit gelt
3sg.m Nathan Shlomo throw-prs.3sg refl with money
‘He, Nathan Shlomo, splashes out money.’
|
P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | P suppression:
Based on Luchna (2023: 19), the antipassive in Yiddish may have what Haspelmath & Müller-Bardye (2004: 3) describes as potential deobjectives. The latter expresses a disposition of an agent to perform an action. Potential deobjectives therefore occur only in irrealis or generic sentences, never in specific realis sentences (KJ).
(Luchina 2023: 10)
a.
Der hunt hot zikh aleyn gebisn
def.m dog aux.prs.3sg self foc bite.pst
‘The dog bit itself.’
b.
?der hunt hot zikh gebisn
def.m dog aux.prs.3sg self bite.pst
‘The dig bites.’
P omission:
Er leyent oft.
'He reads often.'
*In the past tense, a perfectivizing prefix might be preferred, though not obligatory (personal communication with Elena Luchina, 20.04.23).
|
P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | Er hot opgegesn.
'He ate'.
In the past tense, a perfectivizing prefix might be preferred, though not obligatory (personal communication with Elena Luchina, 20.04.23).
|
P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | |
Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |