Polonez Bis 1

Parameters - Nivaĉle

Construction type	Construction Parameter	Value	Comments

Voice marking	Proper marker	yes	Vanka- as ‘antipassive’ (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 349). There are three antipassive derivation markers, two of which -xan and -xai, are suffixes. The third marker, vank(a)- ~ vankʔ(a)-, is a prefix (Fabre 2017: 57). FYI: In Nivaclé, jan- indicates that the patient is unspecified, and wanka- similarly deletes the object and indicates that the agent is more important than the patient (Heathon 2017: 277). FYI: Nivaclé was discussed by Heaton (2017) as having two antipassive markers, wank(a)- and -jan, which differs in productivity as well as in their treatment of the patient. See Heathon (2017: 277). XAN suffix meaning 'do': It is not clear that -xan is, therefore, necessarily an antipassive in and of itself (as the stem with -xan can still take vanka- (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 358). XAN suffix meaning 'do': In fact, there are some examples in which -xan might at first seem to have a semantic antipassive effect (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 357)
Voice marking	Lookalike marker	no
Voice marking	Synthetic marker	yes	Vanka- as ‘antipassive’ (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 349). There are three antipassive derivation markers, two of which -xan and -xai, are suffixes. The third marker, vank(a)- ~ vankʔ(a)-, is a prefix (Fabre 2017: 57). FYI: In Nivaclé, jan- indicates that the patient is unspecified, and wanka- similarly deletes the object and indicates that the agent is more important than the patient (Heathon 2017: 277). FYI: Nivaclé was discussed by Heaton (2017) as having two antipassive markers, wank(a)- and -jan, which differs in productivity as well as in their treatment of the patient. See Heathon (2017: 277). XAN suffix meaning 'do': It is not clear that -xan is, therefore, necessarily an antipassive in and of itself (as the stem with -xan can still take vanka- (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 358). XAN suffix meaning 'do': In fact, there are some examples in which -xan might at first seem to have a semantic antipassive effect (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 357)
Voice marking	Analytical marker	no
Flagging	S-argument flagging	n/a
Flagging	P-oblique flagging	n/a
Flagging	P-oblique unflagging	n/a
Flagging	P-oblique flagging variation	n/a
Indexation	S-argument indexed	yes	In (42)–(43) (i.e. antipassive), the 1st person A/S is consistently marked with xa-. But if the A/S participant were 3rd person, the vanka- derivation may change the argument prefix form even though the derived S remains agentive (Vidal & Pane 2021: 360). 3>1. 'When a third person plus a speech act participant is involved, only the higher person on the hierarchy (i.e. the speech act participant) is marked by a prefix' (Vidal & Pane 2021: 354).
Indexation	S-argument indexation conditioned	no
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P can be referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique is generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique can be referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is generic (non-specific)	yes	P suppression, vanka-: The propensity of the vanka- construction to express typical characteristics and habitual activities makes it common in action and some locative nominalizations, as these OFTEN refer to generalized actions or situations without specific patients (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 364). _________________________________ FYI: Whereas ordinary deobjectives express a real action without mentioning the patient, potential deobjectives express a disposition of an agent to perform an action. Potential deobjectives therefore occur only in irrealis or generic sentences, never in specific realis sentences (Haspelmath & Müller-Bardey 2004: 6).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific)	yes	P suppression, vanka-: In some cases, the vanka- construction has a sense of nonspecific people as the implied but unexpressable P of the transitive base (Vidal & Payne D. 2021: 365). (Vidal & Pane D. 2021: 350), xa-vanka-klôn 1-antip-kill ‘I kill/killed (someone).’ xa-vanka-klôvaɬ 1-antip-observe ‘I watch (something).’
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P can be referential	yes	P suppression, -jan predicate: The suffix -jan indicates that the patient is perhaps known but unspecified (Heaton 2017: 221).
Oblique affectedness	Less affected oblique	n/a
P-constraining properties	Animacy constrains oblique demotion	n/a
P-constraining properties	Person constrains oblique demotion	n/a
P-constraining properties	Number constrains oblique demotion	n/a