Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | Vanka- as ‘antipassive’ (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 349).
There are three antipassive derivation markers, two of which -xan and -xai, are suffixes. The third marker, vank(a)- ~ vankʔ(a)-, is a prefix (Fabre 2017: 57).
FYI: In Nivaclé, jan- indicates that the patient is unspecified, and wanka- similarly deletes the object and indicates that the agent is more important than the patient (Heathon 2017: 277).
FYI: Nivaclé was discussed by Heaton (2017) as having two antipassive markers, wank(a)- and -jan, which differs in productivity as well as in their treatment of the patient. See Heathon (2017: 277).
XAN suffix meaning 'do': It is not clear that -xan is, therefore, necessarily an antipassive in and of itself (as the stem with -xan can still take vanka- (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 358).
XAN suffix meaning 'do': In fact, there are some examples in which -xan might at first seem to have a semantic antipassive effect (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 357). |
Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | Vanka- as ‘antipassive’ (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 349).
There are three antipassive derivation markers, two of which -xan and -xai, are suffixes. The third marker, vank(a)- ~ vankʔ(a)-, is a prefix (Fabre 2017: 57).
FYI: In Nivaclé, jan- indicates that the patient is unspecified, and wanka- similarly deletes the object and indicates that the agent is more important than the patient (Heathon 2017: 277).
FYI: Nivaclé was discussed by Heaton (2017) as having two antipassive markers, wank(a)- and -jan, which differs in productivity as well as in their treatment of the patient. See Heathon (2017: 277).
XAN suffix meaning 'do': It is not clear that -xan is, therefore, necessarily an antipassive in and of itself (as the stem with -xan can still take vanka- (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 358).
XAN suffix meaning 'do': In fact, there are some examples in which -xan might at first seem to have a semantic antipassive effect (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 357). |
Voice marking | Analytic marker | no | |
Flagging | S-argument flagging | n/a | |
Flagging | P-oblique flagging | n/a | |
Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | n/a | |
Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | n/a | |
Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | In (42)–(43) (i.e. antipassive), the 1st person A/S is consistently marked with xa-. But if the A/S participant were 3rd person, the vanka- derivation may change the argument prefix form even though the derived S remains agentive (Vidal and Pane 2021: 360).
3>1: 'When a third person plus a speech act participant is involved, only the higher person on the hierarchy (i.e. the speech act participant) is marked by a prefix' (Vidal and Pane 2021: 354). |
Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
P-individuation properties | P incorporated: Generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | P incorporated: Indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | P incorporated: Referential | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | P oblique: Generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | P oblique: Indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | P oblique: Referential | n/a | |
P-individuation properties | P eliminated: Generic (non-specific) | yes | P Elimination: P suppression, vanka-:
The propensity of the vanka- construction to express typical characteristics and habitual activities makes it common in action and some locative nominalizations, as these OFTEN refer to generalized actions or situations without specific patients (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 364).
FYI: Whereas ordinary deobjectives express a real action without mentioning the patient, potential deobjectives express a disposition of an agent to perform an action. Potential deobjectives therefore occur only in irrealis or generic sentences, never in specific realis sentences (Haspelmath and Müller-Bardey 2004: 6). |
P-individuation properties | P eliminated: Indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P elimination: P suppression, vanka-:
In some cases, the vanka- construction has a sense of nonspecific people as the implied but unexpressable P of the transitive base (Vidal and Payne D. 2021: 365).
Nivaĉle (Vidal and Pane D. 2021: 350)
1.
xa-vanka-klôn
1-antip-kill
‘I kill/killed (someone).’
2.
xa-vanka-klôvaɬ
1-antip-observe
‘I watch (something).’ |
P-individuation properties | P eliminated: Referential | yes | P elimination: P suppression
The suffix -jan indicates that the patient is perhaps known but unspecified (Heaton 2017: 221). |
P-oblique affectedness | Less affected P-oblique | n/a | |
P-constraining properties | Animacy constraints on P-oblique demotion | n/a | |
P-constraining properties | Person constraints on P-oblique demotion | n/a | |
P-constraining properties | Number constraints on P-oblique demotion | n/a | |