Polonez Bis 1

Parameters - Warrungu (Greater Maric)

Construction type	Construction Parameter	Value	Comments

Voice marking	Proper marker	yes	Antipassive verbs contain the stem forming suffix -gali-ZERO (Tsunoda 2011: 427).
Voice marking	Lookalike marker	no
Voice marking	Synthetic marker	yes	Antipassive verbs contain the stem forming suffix -gali-ZERO (Tsunoda 2011: 427).
Voice marking	Analytical marker	no
Flagging	S-argument flagging	no	Intransitive verbs can occur with an S NP (in the NOM) but not with an A NP (Tsunoda 2011: 254). Warrungu has a 'split ergativity' (cf. Silverstein 1976). Nouns have the ergative case-marking system: A(ERG) ≠ S(ABS) = 0BJ(ABS), while pronouns have the accusative system: A(NOM) =S(NOM) ≠ 0BJ(ACC) (Tsunoda 1988: 596). (s)ince the pronouns generally have just NOM for both the A and the S, the change from the A to the d-S is not reflected in their case-marking (Tsunoda 1988: 599). FYI: In descriptive grammar, depending on the traditions, the zero cases are variously designated, not only as a ‘nominative case’, but also as an ‘absolutive case’, ‘direct case’, and ‘free state’ (Creissels 2021: 65).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging	yes	P oblique is overtly flagged: - dative case - instrumental case Tsunoda (1988: 598) - genitive case Tsunoda (2011: 483) FYI: In the world's languages, the general tendency is that obliques are overtly flagged using either integrative cases or adpositions (Creissels 2021: 67).
Flagging	P-oblique unflagging	yes	P-adjunct can be left unflagged: - absolutive case (15 examples) Tsunoda (1988: 598) FYI: In the world's languages, the general tendency is that obliques are overtly flagged using either integrative cases or adpositions (Creissels 2021: 67).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging variation	yes	Among more than one thousand examples of ANTI in the corpus, the OBJ is generally turned into DAT or INSTR, and, in about five examples, into GEN. (...). The OBL also remains in ABS in about fifteen examples (Tsunoda 1988: 598). According to Tsunoda’s (1988) analysis, the factors that determine the exact case marker taken by the P are: referentiality /animacy, transitivity as lexicalized in the predicate, P-affectedness as expressed in different TAM form (Zuningna & Kitila 2019:114).
Indexation	S-argument indexed	n/a
Indexation	S-argument indexation conditioned	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is generic (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P can be referential	n/a
P-individuation properties	Oblique is generic (non-specific)	yes	Antipassives sometimes describe habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job or the like. The undergoer appears to be always generic or non-specific. Possibly due to its generic or non-specific meaning, the undergoer NP is sometimes absent (Tsunoda 2011: 499). (Tsunoda 2011: 499) gamogamo-nggo nyola bija-gali-n. grog-erg 3sg.nom drink-antip-nf ‘He drinks grog all the time.’
P-individuation properties	Oblique is indefinite (non-specific)	yes	Antipassives sometimes describe habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job or the like. The undergoer appears to be always generic or non-specific. Possibly due to its generic or non-specific meaning, the undergoer NP is sometimes absent (Tsunoda 2011: 499). (Tsunoda 2011: 484) a. ngani-Ø nyaga-gali-yal yinda? what-acc see-antip-purp 2sg.nom ‘What are you going to look at?’ b. win.gar-Ø nyaga-gali-yal. fish-acc see-antip-purp ‘[I] want to see a fish. (Tsunoda 2011: 499) gamogamo-nggo nyola bija-gali-n. grog-erg 3sg.nom drink-antip-nf ‘He drinks grog all the time.’ (Tsunoda 1988: 603) warrngu-Ø tyarripara-Ø wanta-kali-n [tyumpi-ngku] woman-abs good-abs leave-antip-pp [penis-ins] ‘[That] chaste woman leaves [i.e. does not seek] penises.’
P-individuation properties	Oblique can be referential	yes	(Tsunoda 1988: 599-600) a. ngaya yina yangka-n 1sg.nom 2sg.nom search-pp ‘I looked/look for you.’ b. ngaya yinun-ku yangka-kali-n 1sg.nom 2sg-dat search-antip-pp ‘I looked/look for you.
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is generic (non-specific)	yes	(Tsunoda 2011: 500) [gandaro-Ø] nyawa balga-gali-n [Gandaro-nom] neg kill-antip-nf ‘[Gandara] does not kill [human beings].’ FYI: Antipassives sometimes describe habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job, etc. The undergoer appears to be always generic or non-specific. Possibly due to its generic or non-specific meaning, the undergoer NP is sometimes absent (Tsunoda 2011: 499).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific)	yes	FYI: Antipassives sometimes describe habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job, etc. The undergoer appears to be always generic or non-specific. Possibly due to its *generic or non-specific meaning, the undergoer NP is sometimes absent (Tsunoda 2011: 499). (Tsunoda 2011: 465) a. bama-nggo yina balga-n. man-erg acc hit-nf ‘The man hit you.’ c. bama-Ø yinda balga-gali-n. man-nom 2sg.nom hit-antip-nf ‘You, a man, hit [someone/something].’ (Tsunoda 2011: 442) A conversation cited from a text. a. A: wanyja-rro yorra-Ø where-to 2pl-nom ‘Where [are] you going to?’ b. B: jamo (hesitation) [ngana-Ø] yangga-gali-n just [1pl-nom] search.for-antip-nf ‘[We] are just searching.’ .
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P can be referential	yes	(4) Warrungu (Pama-Nyungan; Tsunoda 2011: 471) omission adjunct provided in the brackets yinda ngona-gomay giba-gali-ya 2sg.nom that-after dig-antip-imp [jarrogan-go or bambo-wo] scrub.turkey’s.egg-dat egg-dat ‘After that, dig [scrub turkey’s eggs or eggs].’ (5) Warrungu (Pama-Nyungan; Tsunoda 2011: 473) omission adjunct provided in the brackets gorrbara-Ø jana-Ø ganyji-gali-n [yarraman-do] three-nom 3pl-nom carry-antip-nf [horse-erg] ‘They, three [men], are carrying/taking [horses].
Oblique affectedness	Less affected oblique	yes/no	Two-place antipassive verbs can be classified into four groups: action antipassives, perception antipassives, pursuit antipassives, one knowledge antipassive.The semantic differences among these four groups of verbs mainly concern the affectedness of the undergoer (Tsunoda 2011: 461). ACTION ANTIP: With action antipassives, the undergoer may have been affected by the action (cf. 'I caught a kangaroo') or may not have been affected by it as yet (cf. 'I will catch a kangaroo') Tsunoda 2011: 461). PURSUIT ANTIP: With pursuit antipassives (cf. 'I looked for a kangaroo', 'I will look for a kangaroo'), the undergoer is never affected by the action Tsunoda 2011: 461). PERCEPTION ANTIP Perception antipassives are intermediate between action and pursuit antipassives. The undergoer of pursuit is never perceived. (Once it is perceived, the verb to be employed is one of perception, such as 'see' and 'find'.) In contrast, the undergoer of perception may be said to be affected in that it was/is/will be perceived: 'I saw/see/will see a kangaroo' (perception), as against 'I looked/look/will look for a kangaroo' (pursuit). However, it is not affected to the extent that the undergoer of action is. Thus, the act of catching can impinge on the undergoer, but the act of seeing never does Tsunoda 2011: 461). The situation described by the only antipassive of knowledge (i.e. 'understand [a language]') does not involve any action, and it does not affect the undergoer (Tsunoda 2011: 461). FYI: Affectedness correlates with the conjugational category (Tsunoda 2011: 469). See Table 4-23 (p. 469).
P-constraining properties	Animacy constrains oblique demotion	no	FYI: Animacy is conditioned by case marking. INS is favored by the inanimate NP and DAT by the animate (KJ). There are at least three factors that condition this case-marking of ERG versus DAT. They operate jointly. (a) Animacy of the undergoer in terms of Silverstein's NP hierarchy. (b) Affectedness of the undergoer in terms of verb semantics. (c) Regarding action antipassive verbs: affectedness of the undergoer in terms of the conjugational category (Tsunoda 2011: 464).
P-constraining properties	Person constrains oblique demotion	no	Warrungu ANTI's have no constraint on the person of the OBL (Tsunoda 1988: 607).
P-constraining properties	Number constrains oblique demotion	no