| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | Middle marker -wo (Rose 2023: 780, 782). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | Middle marker -wo (Rose 2023: 780, 782). |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | Noun phrases are indeed optional and unflagged (Rose 2023: 768). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | Obliques (adjuncts or peripheral arguments) always occur with a preposition, and are also distinguished from objects by not being indexed on the verb (Rose 2023: 770).
Antipassive with the demotion of P as an oblique, as in (34) normally takes the addressee as the object, but in (34) the addressee is encoded in a prepositional phrase, in what is called a discontinuous reciprocal construction (Rose 2023: 782). |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | no | Obliques (adjuncts or peripheral arguments) always occur with a preposition (...). There is a single simple preposition te (...) that shows multiple meanings such as ‘with’, ‘in’, ‘on’, ‘for’, ‘from’, etc (Rose 2023: 770). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | The obligatory person indexation works as follows. Subjects are indexed on verbs with prefixes (Rose 2023: 768).
Table 1 in Rose (2023: 769). Prefixes of A, S, Poss:
1sg: n- -nu
2sg: py- -vi
1pl: vy- -(wok)ovi
2pl: a- -'e
3m(sg.h) speaker♂: ma- (~ mu-, m-) -
3m(sg.h) speaker♀: ñi- (~ ñ-) -
3f(sg.h): s- -
3nh(sg/pl): ta- (~ t-) -
3pl(h): na- (~ n-) -woko (3pl)
3 t- (~ ty-) verbs only |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | yes | Incorporation systematically implies manipulation of case in Mojeño Trinitario, which corresponds to Type II of noun incorporation according to Mithun (1984) (ms. Françoise Rose, p. 38).
TYPE II (Mithun 1984: 859): IN's lose their syntactic status as arguments of the clause; and they are unmarked for definiteness, number, or case. This does not necessarily mean that they are indefinite or non-specific, but only that they are unmarked.
FYI: In most examples, the referent of the incorporated noun is new to the discourse and is never mentioned again in the text (notes from the unpublished ms by Françoise Rose: 42). |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | (Rose 2023: 780)
Juiti v-yon=ñore v-echji-ri-k-wo=yre na-e p-no-kro
today 1pl-go=fut 1pl-speak-pluract-act-mid=fut 3pl-prep dem-h.pl-pot.loc
‘Today we are going to discuss with these’.
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P omission
(Rose 2023: 770)
ene t-ew-ko-m=po, na-ew-ko=po to arusu
and 3-sow-act-pl=pfv 3pl-sow-act=pfv art.nh rice
‘And they start to sow, they sow rice.’
P adjunct omission
(Rose 2023: 782)
t-issi-sio-k-wo=pri'i=ji
3-whistle-red-act-mid=conc.mot.ipfv=rpt
‘He was coming whistling.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | no | |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |