| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | Antipassive prefix man-(realis)/fan-(irrealis) (Cooreman 1988: 571).
The antipassive of most transitive verbs is formed with a prefix that is realized as man- in the realis mood or following the plural agreement prefix and as fan- elsewhere (Chung 2020: 225).
In (17), the antipassive verbs are formed with the prefix man-/fan-, which exhibits the m/f alternation (Chung 2020: 269).
FYI: A few transitive verbs have an antipassive that does not
differ from their transitive form. (Note, though, that the two forms take their agreement from different paradigms) (Chung 2020: 226). @There is only a list of these verbs without a P demotion alternation. Given that it concerns only a small number of verbs (5 examples) and that there is no explanation for P demotion, we ignore these. |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | Antipassive prefix man-(realis)/fan-(irrealis) (Cooreman 1988: 571).
The antipassive of most transitive verbs is formed with a prefix that is realized as man- in the realis mood or following the plural agreement prefix and as fan- elsewhere (Chung 2020: 225). |
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | |
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | FYI: S is unflagged and indexed, like A, but the paradigm of S indexes in the inflection of intransitive verbs is distinct from the paradigm of A indexes in the transitive construction (Creissels 2021: 165).
The external argument is the subject of an antipassive clause. When this argument is a noun phrase, it is in the unmarked case, and the antipassive verb agrees with it in person and/or number (Chung, 2020: 227).
The unmarked case is used for subjects, direct objects, and propositional objects (Cooreman 1988: 564).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | Marked P adjunct:
The oblique case is used for so-called 'demoted' NP's, such as Objects in antipassive constructions or constructions where Dative Movement has taken place (Cooreman 1988: 564).
Marked P adjunct:
The Demoting Antipassive codes a transitive proposition in which the semantic definite Object is not marked as the syntactic direct object of the clause but instead has been placed in an Oblique position marked by an Oblique or Locative prefix (Cooreman 1988: 575).
Marked P adjunct:
Both cases are not interchangeable. The Locative case seems more widespread and acceptable than the Oblique one (Cooreman 1988: 589).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | yes | Unmarked P adjunct:
Most antipassives used by native speakers introduce indefinite Objects (@unflagged), which can be deleted under certain circumstances (Cooreman 1988: 571).
|
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | yes | The Demoting Antipassive codes a transitive proposition in which the semantic definite Object is not marked as the syntactic direct object of the clause, but rather has been placed in an Oblique position marked by an Oblique or Locative prefix (Cooreman 1988: 575).
Even though the majority of antipassives used by native speakers introduce indefinite Objects which can be deleted under certain circumstances (...), definite Objects can occur in this construction as well and must be marked by either an Oblique or a Locative (Cooreman 1988: 571).
Both cases are not interchangeable. The Locative case seems more widespread and acceptable than the Oblique one (Cooreman 1988: 589).
gi - the locative case marker; ni -
the oblique case marker (Cooreman 1987: 24).
The syntactic function of the Demoting Antipassive is to demote a direct Object into a lower syntactic case, i.e., a Locative or Oblique, resulting in a syntactically intransitive clause pattern (Cooreman, 1988: 580) (MT). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | yes | In the main intransitive clauses, the verb agrees with the subject only in number (Cooreman 1988: 567).
SG: -um-/0 (allomorph mu- before nasals and liquids)
PL: man-
In realis clauses (...) in intransitive clauses, the verb agrees with the subject in number only. In irrealis clauses (...), the verb agrees with the subject in person and number regardless of the construction status as transitive or intransitive (Cooreman 1987: 35).
In Chamorro, predicates that are verbs or adjectives are marked for agreement with the subject through forms that also signal mood (realis and irrealis) (Chung 2020: 20).
S is unflagged and indexed, like A, but the paradigm of S indexes in the inflection of intransitive verbs is distinct from the paradigm of A indexes in the transitive construction (Creissels 2021: 165).
Antipassive verbs are intransitive, so their agreement with the subject is chosen from the paradigms for intransitive verbs and adjectives (Chung 2020: 227).
The external argument is the subject of an antipassive clause. When this argument is a noun phrase, it is in the unmarked case and the antipassive verb agrees with it in person and/or number (Chung 2020: 227). |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | yes | In the main intransitive clauses, the verb agrees with the subject only in number (Cooreman 1988: 567).
SG: -um-/0 (allomorph mu- before nasals and liquids)
PL: man-
In realis clauses (...) in intransitive clauses, the verb agrees with the subject in number only. In irrealis clauses (...), the verb agrees with the subject in person and number regardless of the construction status as transitive or intransitive (Cooreman 1987: 35).
In Chamorro, predicates that are verbs or adjectives are marked for agreement with the subject through forms that also signal mood (realis and irrealis) (Chung 2020: 20).
S is unflagged and indexed, like A, but the paradigm of S indexes in the inflection of intransitive verbs is distinct from the paradigm of A indexes in the transitive construction (Creissels 2021: 165).
Antipassive verbs are intransitive, so their agreement with the subject is chosen from the paradigms for intransitive verbs and adjectives (Chung 2020: 227).
The external argument is the subject of an antipassive clause. When this argument is a noun phrase, it is in the unmarked case and the antipassive verb agrees with it in person and/or number (Chung 2020: 227). |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | yes | P unmarked adjunct:
In the majority of cases, the overt Objects in the Indefinite Antipassive (@with unflagged P) are generic and nonreferential (Cooreman 1988: 573).
P unmarked adjunct:
In the indefinite object, the Object most often refers to a whole class of possible referents (i.e., is generic) (Cooreman 1988: 582).
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | P (un-)marked adjunct:
Even though the majority of antipassives used by native speakers introduce indefinite Objectt, which can be deleted under certain circumstances (...), definite Objects can occur in this construction as well. They must be marked by either an Oblique or a Locative (Cooreman 1988: 571).
P unmarked adjunct:
In yet other languages, antipassives are used when the o is indefinite and not necessarily non-referential (although this remains a possibility). In Chamorro (...) indefinite or generic os require the use of an antipassive and the o is optionally deleted (Cooreman 1994: 54).
|
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | P marked adjunct:
The Demoting Antipassive codes a transitive proposition in which the semantic, *definite Object is not marked as the direct syntactic object of the clause but instead has been placed in an Oblique position marked by an Oblique or Locative prefix (Cooreman 1988: 575).
P marked adjunct:
Even though the majority of antipassives used by native speakers introduce indefinite Objects, which can be deleted under certain circumstances (...), *definite Objects can occur in this construction as well. They must be marked by either an Oblique or a Locative (Cooreman 1988: 571).
P marked adjunct:
in Chamorro, the antipassive is also optional with definite referential o arguments and is restricted to those transitive verbs whose inherent semantics do not necessarily imply a lasting effect on the object. When the antipassive is used with a definite o, the implication is often that the o is not totally affected or that the activity described in the verb did not succeed. (Cooreman 1994: 59). @This is discussed in reference to the demoted antipassive ''You kicked at the dog.'
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | (Cooreman 1988: 585, Cooreman 1994: 54)
a.
Hu-guaiya hao.
erg.1sg-love abs.2sg
‘I love you.’
b.
Mang-guaiya yo' nu hagu.
antip-love abs.1sg obl emp.2sg
‘I’m in love with you.’
c.
Mang-guaiya yo',
AP-love ABS.1SG
'I love (someone)./ I'm in love.''
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | yes | (Cooreman 1988: 585)
a.
Para baihu-bisita si Rosa gi espitat.
IRR IRR.1SG-visit UNM Rosa LOC hospital
‘I'm going to visit Rosa in the hospital.’
b.
Para baihu- mam-bisita as Rosa gi espitat.
IRR IRR.1SG-ANTIP-visit OBL Rosa LOC hospital
‘I'm going to visit Rosa in the hospital.’
The fact that the antipassive in general can be characterized in this way may also explain the observation that in narrative texts there are very few Demoting Antipassive constructions in which the identity of the Object (as definite NP) is clearly given (Cooreman 1988: 587). |
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | yes | P marked Padjunct:
The Chamorro examples suggest that one of the functions of the antipassive is to indicate a marked decrease in the affectedness of the object (Cooreman 1994: 59).
Demoting Antipassive as opposed to a syntactically transitive construction provides the grounds for a distinction between two classes of verbs in Chamorro which can be identified semantically, precisely on the basis of whether the action described in the verb, implies a lasting effect on the Object or not. Verbs that can be positively marked for this semantic condition (Class 1) cannot appear in Demoting Antipassive constructions. Verbs that do not imply such a lasting effect (Class 2) on their Objects, readily allow the antipassive rendition of the state of affairs they describe (Cooreman 1988: 576).
|
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |