| Voice marking | Proper marker | yes | The range of devices that have valency-modifying effects in Cavineña are morphological: verbal affixes (...), reduplication of a verb root, and syntactic: the exchange of auxiliaries.
k(a)-…-ti has a patientless antipassive function (Guillaume 2008: 274).
The language also has full reduplication of an inflecting transitive (or ditransitive) verb root that derives an inflecting verb which is intransitive (Guillaume 2008: 278). |
| Voice marking | Lookalike marker | no | |
| Voice marking | Synthetic marker | yes | The circumfix k(a)-…-ti, similarly to the passive marker, only applies to transitive (or ditransitive) verbs. It turns a transitive verb into an intransitive one, with the underlying A becoming the S argument of the derived verb (Guillaume 2008: 268).
Full reduplication of an inflecting transitive (or ditransitive) verb root derives an inflecting verb that is intransitive. Syntactically, the reassignment of grammatical functions has an antipassive effect (Guillaume 2008: 278-279).
|
| Voice marking | Analytical marker | no | The language has the antipassive derivation of non-inflecting transitive verbs by exchanging auxiliaries 'be': ""With transitive non-inflecting verbs, an antipassive derivation is achieved by exchanging the transitive auxiliary a- ‘affect’ for the intransitive auxiliary ju- be’ (Guillaume 2008: 282-283).@This situation is comparable to Basque. See Below.
FYI: Similarly, in Basque, a superficial observation of pairs of sentences such as those in (4) might suggest an analysis in terms of equipollent voice marking. However, the relationship between
(4a) and (4b) does not involve any specific marking of the valency alternation. The choice of
‘have’ as the auxiliary in (4a), and of ‘be’ in (4b), is a mere consequence of the fact that the
overwhelming majority of Basque verbs only have analytic finite forms, and independently of
any possible kind of involvement in valency alternations, the auxiliary is automatically ‘have’
if the coding frame of the verb includes a slot for an ergative-marked noun phrase, and ‘be’ if
this is not the case. Consequently, in spite of this difference in the verb forms, (4) is not an
instance of equipollent voice marking, but rather of the particular type of flexivalency
designated in this book as P-ambitransitivity (Creissels 2021: 268).
|
| Flagging | S-argument flagging | no | An NP in S function is unmarked for case (Guillaume 2008: 93).
Case suffixes:
-Ø ‘ABS’
(Guillaume 2008: 571). |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging | yes | Exchange of auxiliaries:
With transitive non-inflecting verbs, an antipassive derivation is achieved by exchanging the transitive auxiliary a- ‘affect’ for the intransitive auxiliary ju- ‘be’. Unlike antipassive reduplication, the underlying O can be overtly expressed, although this is not obligatory. Typically, the O is
incorporated in the non-inflecting verb. In at least one example, the underlying O is not incorporated but expressed as an oblique (@associative) (Guillaume 2008: 282-283). |
| Flagging | P-oblique unflagging | no | |
| Flagging | P-oblique flagging variation | no | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexed | n/a | |
| Indexation | S-argument indexation conditioned | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is generic (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific) | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Incorporated P can be referential | n/a | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is generic (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique is indefinite (non-specific) | no | |
| P-individuation properties | Oblique can be referential | yes | ekwita=tsewe [man=ASSOC] 'with the man'
‘He is talking with the man.’ (Guillaume 2008: 283). |
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is generic (non-specific) | yes | (Guillaume 2008: 275)
Amena tume chapa=dyaS =di =pa
BM then dog=FOC =STRG.EMPH =REP
ka-rikwa-ti-aje-ya=dya.
REF-bark.at-REF-GO.DISTR-IMPFV=FOC
‘And the dog was barking too.’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific) | yes | (Guillaume 2008: 275)
Tuekedya =e-kwe nereka=tsewe [e-kwe e-metuku=tsewe]
then =1SG-DAT suffering=ASSOC 1SG-GEN NPF-hand=ASSOC
ka-taru-ti-aje-kware i-keS.
REF-stir-REF-GO.DISTR-REM.PAST 1SG-FM
‘Then, painfully, I went rowing (lit. stirring) with my hand (in order to cross the river).’
|
| P-individuation properties | Eliminated P can be referential | yes | P suppression (Patientless antipassive):
(Guillaume 2008: 269)
Ka-peta-ti-ya =mi-keS?
REF-look.at-REF-IMPFV =2SG-FM
‘You are watching?’
(This was said to me in a greeting/phatic communion sense, while I was watching a soccer game.)
|
| Oblique affectedness | Less affected oblique | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Animacy constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Person constrains oblique demotion | no | |
| P-constraining properties | Number constrains oblique demotion | no | |