Polonez Bis 1

Parameters - Halkomelem

Construction type	Construction Parameter	Value	Comments

Voice marking	Proper marker	yes	There are three ways to mark antipassives: -els, -m, or Ø (Gerdts and Hukari 2000: 4). Verbs in antipassives are suffixed with -m or els, or occur without suffixes (Gerdts 1988: 170).
Voice marking	Lookalike marker	no
Voice marking	Synthetic marker	yes	The middle suffix -m and the activity suffix -els (Gerds & Hukari 2000: 2).
Voice marking	Analytical marker	no
Flagging	S-argument flagging	no	Halkomelem distinguishes two cases for nominals: the straight case, in which the nominal is preceded only by a determiner and the oblique case (Gerdts 1988: 39). In the intransitive and transitive clauses above, the subject is in the straight case (Gerdts 1988: 40). Core arguments of the verb are unmarked for the case (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 2).
Flagging	P-oblique flagging	yes	Oblique noun phrases are marked by prepositions (Gerdts & Hukari 2006: 55). The adjunct P argument is flagged through the oblique marker, i.e. the preposition (Gerdts 2010: 547).
Flagging	P-oblique unflagging	no
Flagging	P-oblique flagging variation	no	The form of the oblique marker is always -?a (Gerdts 1988: 39). Oblique noun phrases are marked by prepositions (the multipurpose preposition) (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 55).
Indexation	S-argument indexed	no	The antipassive lacks transitive marking and 3rd person ergative agreement (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 2). The agreement is marked only for ergatives in the main clauses. (...) Subjects of antipassives are initial ergatives but final absolutives. (...) There is no 3rd person agreement in antipassives (Gerdts 1988: 153)
Indexation	S-argument indexation conditioned	n/a
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is generic (non-specific)	n/a	We exclude this phenomenon to remain consistent with the coding decisions. By definition, we treated incorporation as a process in which a simple transitive verbal form incorporates the object. Examples (26)-(27) from google sheet do not meet this requirement. Hence are excluded from the analysis (KJ. 07.07.23). FYI: Lexical suffixes (@incorporated nouns) also commonly appear in complex predicates. They are attached to a verb stem, and the resulting compound functions syntactically as the main predicate of a clause (Gerdts & Hinkson 1996: 6). FYI: Salish languages have more than one hundred lexical suffixes (@incorporated nouns) expressing body parts, flora and fauna, people, and cultural artifacts such as houses, garments, and instruments (Gerdts 2010: 34-35).
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P is indefinite (non-specific)	n/a	We exclude this phenomenon to remain consistent with the coding decisions. By definition, we treated incorporation as a process in which a simple transitive verbal form incorporates the object. Examples (26)-(27) from google sheet do not meet this requirement. Hence are excluded from the analysis (KJ. 07.07.23). FYI: Lexical suffixes (@incorporated nouns) also commonly appear in complex predicates. They are attached to a verb stem, and the resulting compound functions syntactically as the main predicate of a clause (Gerdts & Hinkson 1996: 6). FYI: Salish languages have more than one hundred lexical suffixes (@incorporated nouns) expressing body parts, flora and fauna, people, and cultural artifacts such as houses, garments, and instruments (Gerdts 2010: 34-35).
P-individuation properties	Incorporated P can be referential	n/a	We exclude this phenomenon to remain consistent with the coding decisions. By definition, we treated incorporation as a process in which a simple transitive verbal form incorporates the object. Examples (26)-(27) from google sheet do not meet this requirement. Hence are excluded from the analysis (KJ. 07.07.23). FYI: Lexical suffixes (@incorporated nouns) also commonly appear in complex predicates. They are attached to a verb stem, and the resulting compound functions syntactically as the main predicate of a clause (Gerdts & Hinkson 1996: 6). FYI: Salish languages have more than one hundred lexical suffixes (@incorporated nouns) expressing body parts, flora and fauna, people, and cultural artifacts such as houses, garments, and instruments (Gerdts 2010: 34-35).
P-individuation properties	Oblique is generic (non-specific)	no	(...) the oblique-marked object in Halkomelem antipassives is usually third person and inanimate. It can be definite or indefinite, though often it has a non-individualized or non-specific meaning (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 2).
P-individuation properties	Oblique is indefinite (non-specific)	no
P-individuation properties	Oblique can be referential	yes	The oblique-marked object (...) can be definite or indefinite, though often it has a non-individualized or non-specific meaning (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 2).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is generic (non-specific)	yes	However, the -els activity suffix often brings an additional meaning. It is used to emphasize the action. The event is often a job-like activity that will take time and effort. Sometimes, the agent is playing a role in a social situation. He/she is the delegated doer of the event. For many forms with the activity subject, certain patients are evoked even when they are not expressed. The patient is fully understood from the cultural context of the activity (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 6). In various languages, antipassive is correlated with progressive or continuative aspects. For example, Blake (1987) notes that antipassive in Australian languages is often associated with imperfect, desiderative, or habitual aspects. (...). This differs from what is happening in Halkomelem since antipassives cross-cut the aspect paradigm. Perfective or progressive antipassives are allowed. *Nevertheless, the job-like semantics often evoked by the suffix -els seems to be a similar phenomenon (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 7).
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P is indefinite (non-specific)	yes	Halkomelem (Salishan; Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 53) a. niʔ q̓ʷǝl-ǝt-ǝs łǝ słeniʔ. aux bake-tr-3erg det woman !!‘He cooked/barbecued the woman.’ not: ‘The woman cooked (something).’ b. niʔ q̓ʷǝl-ǝm łǝ słeniʔ. aux bake-mid det woman ‘The woman cooked (something).’
P-individuation properties	Eliminated P can be referential	no
Oblique affectedness	Less affected oblique	no
P-constraining properties	Animacy constrains oblique demotion	yes	Various person/animacy restrictions come into play (...). The oblique-marked object in antipassives is usually 3rd person and inanimate (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 2).
P-constraining properties	Person constrains oblique demotion	yes	The demoted object is always 3rd person. (...) 1st person and 2nd person cannot be demoted in antipassives (Gerds 1988: 157). Person/animacy restrictions come into play (...). As with antipassives in many other languages, the oblique-marked object in antipassives is usually third person and inanimate (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 2). Passive and antipassive allow the suppression of an argument, the agent in the passive and the patient in the antipassive, which can appear as an oblique phrase. In Halkomelem, oblique phrases in antipassives and passives are limited to third-person noun phrases (Gerdts & Hukari 2006: 67).
P-constraining properties	Number constrains oblique demotion	no	FYI: Person/animacy restrictions come into play (...). As with antipassives in many other languages, the oblique-marked object in antipassives is usually third person and inanimate (Gerdts & Hukari 2000: 2).